Insert the missing word: “Issues concerning the most important problems of political life are brought to the national __________.” Budget expenditures on national issues

Expenditures on the “national issues” section in the federal budget exceed the total expenditures on education and healthcare: 1.1 trillion rubles. against 902 billion rubles.

Photo: Dmitry Azarov/Kommersant

The section “National Issues” includes expenses for supporting the activities of the president, government, governors and other government bodies.

If we compare sections of the federal budget separately, then in 2017, national issues will cost the budget approximately three times more than healthcare (360 billion rubles were allocated for it) and twice as much as education (542 billion rubles). This follows from (calculations hereinafter with the condition of an inflationary adjustment).

The picture is different in the consolidated budget, where appropriations for the section “National Issues” are set at 1.9 trillion rubles, for healthcare - 3.3 trillion rubles, for education - 3 trillion rubles. Taken together, expenditures on the five main areas of the budget (education, defense, law enforcement agencies, expenditures on general government issues and healthcare) amount to 12.9 trillion rubles.

The sharp difference between federal and consolidated medical expenses is explained by the fact that the latter includes funds from the Federal Compulsory Health Insurance Fund (FFOMS). The significant difference between federal and consolidated expenditures on education is explained by the fact that the state primarily finances higher education, and the main expenses for this area are allocated to the regions.

Budget expenditures: for war and peace

Of the three main subdivisions of spending on officials (the functioning of the president, governors and governments), the president costs the most. In 2017, 15 billion rubles were allocated for the functioning of the president, 13 billion rubles for legislative bodies at the federal and municipal levels, and 6 billion rubles for the federal and regional governments.

In 2015, the most expensive among national issues was the subsection “International relations and international cooperation” (329 billion rubles), which is twice as high as the costs for the same subsection in 2014 (176 billion rubles). The sharp increase in spending on the international sphere occurred against the backdrop of conflicts and, as well as worsening relations between Russia and the West. In 2016, expenses for the subsection decreased to RUB 209 billion.

Against the backdrop of economic problems, the authorities are saving in many areas. Expenses for financial, tax and customs authorities, as well as financial and budgetary supervision authorities, were almost halved - from 318 billion rubles. in 2011 to 177 billion rubles. in 2019.

Expenses on material reserves fell from RUB 139 billion. in 2011 to 61 billion rubles. in 2019. Every year the state cuts costs on the judicial system - from 175 billion rubles. in 2011 up to 140 billion rubles. in 2019.

Elections 2018

In the federal budget, peak expenses for the subsection for ensuring the holding of elections and referendums occur during the Duma and presidential campaigns. Elections to the lower house took place in 2011 and 2016, the head of state was elected in 2012 and should be elected in 2018. In 2011, the budget subsection “Elections” accounted for 17 billion rubles, in 2012 - 38 billion rubles, in 2016 - 16 billion rubles.

A large amount is allocated for the subsection and in 2017 - 20 billion rubles were allocated for the elections. For comparison: in 2013-2015, 3-5 billion rubles were spent on elections and referendums. In this regard, the media discussed the scenario of early presidential elections, which could allegedly be postponed from 2018 to 2017. The Ministry of Finance’s project is actually connected with the start of the election campaign at the end of 2017 - it is for this financial year that funds have been allocated, reported CEC Secretary Maya Grishina.

This section reflects the expenses for the functioning of the head of state - the President of the Russian Federation, the highest official of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation and the head of the administration of the municipality, legislative (representative) bodies of state power and local self-government, the Government of the Russian Federation, the highest executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local administrations, the judicial system, financial, tax and customs authorities and supervisory authorities in these areas, elections and referendums, international relations and international cooperation, international economic and humanitarian assistance, maintenance and replenishment of the state material reserve, fundamental research, servicing state and municipal debt , budgetary allocations for reserve funds, applied scientific research in the field of national issues and other national expenditures.

Subsection 0101 “Functioning of the head of state - the President of the Russian Federation” reflects the costs of maintaining the President of the Russian Federation, the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, Plenipotentiary Representatives of the President of the Russian Federation, their deputies in federal districts and the relevant apparatuses, the Commissioner of the Russian Federation at the European Court of Human Rights and his apparatus, the apparatus of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, ensuring visits of delegations of higher authorities abroad, paying monetary compensation to plaintiffs in the event of relevant decisions being made by the European Court of Human Rights.

Subsection 0102 “Functioning of the highest official of a constituent entity of the Russian Federation and a local government body” reflects the costs of maintaining the presidents of the republics within the Russian Federation, heads of administrations of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local government bodies and apparatuses, the above-mentioned officials of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and local government bodies .

Subsection 0103 “Functioning of legislative (representative) bodies of state power and local self-government” reflects the costs of maintaining the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, legislative (representative) bodies of state power of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and local self-government.

Subsection 0104 “Functioning of the Government of the Russian Federation, supreme executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local administrations” reflects the costs of maintaining the Government of the Russian Federation, supreme executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local administrations and relevant apparatus.

Expenses for the maintenance of federal executive authorities, executive authorities of constituent entities of the Russian Federation, and local government bodies are not provided for in this subsection. They should be reflected in the relevant sections and subsections.

Subsection 0105 “Judicial System” reflects the costs of maintaining federal courts, constitutional (statutory) courts and justices of the peace of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and their apparatus, as well as the Judicial Department of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and its territorial bodies.

This subsection also reflects the costs of developing the Russian judicial system.

Subsection 0106 “Supporting the activities of financial, tax and customs authorities and supervisory authorities” reflects the costs of maintaining and supporting the activities of ministries, services and agencies that carry out leadership and management in the established field, control bodies of the Russian Federation, constituent entities of the Russian Federation, and local self-government.

The subsection also includes expenses for the implementation of measures related to bankruptcy procedures.

Subsection 0107 “Ensuring the conduct of elections and referendums” reflects expenses associated with the preparation and conduct of elections in the Russian Federation, the operation and development of automation equipment and the training of election organizers and voters, as well as expenses for the maintenance of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, election commissions of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation Federation, election commissions of municipalities, district election commissions, territorial (district, city and other) commissions, as well as precinct commissions and relevant apparatus.

Subsection 0108 “International Relations and International Cooperation” reflects the costs of maintaining and supporting the activities of diplomatic missions of the Russian Federation in foreign countries, consular offices of the Russian Federation in foreign countries, representative offices of the Russian Federation at international organizations, representative offices of the Russian Federation on trade and economic issues in foreign countries. states.

Expenses for maintaining and supporting the activities of representative offices (representatives) of federal executive authorities in foreign countries are not provided for under this subsection. They should be reflected in the relevant sections and subsections of the functional classification.

The subsection also includes expenses for ensuring the Russian presence in the Spitsbergen archipelago, expenses for paying contributions to international organizations, real estate valuation, recognition of rights and regulation of relations on federal property located abroad, acquisition, construction and reconstruction of real estate abroad, implementation of interstate agreements within Commonwealth of Independent States, implementation of agreements (contracts) with foreign companies in the field of scientific cooperation, state guarantees for external borrowing, as well as expenses for international cultural, scientific and information relations.

Expenses associated with short-term business trips to foreign countries are not provided for under this subsection. These expenses are reflected in the relevant sections and subsections in terms of management and management expenses in the area of ​​established functions.

Expenses incurred on account of attracted related foreign loans from international financial organizations, foreign governments, banks and firms are reflected in the relevant sections of the functional classification, based on the expenses incurred in the established field of activity.

Subsection 0109 “International Economic and Humanitarian Assistance” reflects the costs of providing economic and humanitarian assistance to other states, including costs for the delivery of humanitarian goods and the evacuation of Russian citizens. In addition, this subsection includes expenses for providing humanitarian financial assistance to other states.

The subsection does not include expenses for the provision by the Russian Federation of military and civilian personnel to participate in activities to maintain or restore international peace and security.

Subsection 0110 “State material reserve” reflects the costs of maintaining the Federal Agency for State Reserves, its territorial bodies and organizations that form a unified system of state material reserves, as well as the costs of conducting operations with the state material reserve.

Subsection 0111 “Fundamental Research” reflects expenses associated with conducting fundamental scientific research carried out in order to obtain new knowledge about basic phenomena and observed facts, not pursuing any applied or practical purpose.

This subsection reflects the costs of conducting fundamental research of all main managers of budget funds.

In addition, this subsection reflects the costs of providing subsidies allocated to academies of sciences and organizations under their jurisdiction.

Subsection 0112 “Service of state and municipal debt” reflects expenses associated with placement, servicing and payment of discounts upon redemption (redemption) of government securities of the Russian Federation, constituent entities of the Russian Federation and municipal securities.

In addition, this subsection reflects expenses associated with the repayment of overdue interest as part of the exchange of external debt obligations of the Russian Federation on terms comparable to the terms of the exchange of debt to creditors of the London Club.

Subsection 0113 “Reserve funds” reflects budgetary allocations for the formation of reserve funds of the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation, executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and local self-government.

If a decision is made in the prescribed manner on the use of funds from the specified reserve funds, expenses are reflected in the relevant sections of the functional classification, based on industry and departmental affiliation.

Subsection 0114 “Applied scientific research in the field of national issues” reflects expenses for maintaining and supporting the activities of state scientific institutions, conducting scientific events, as well as for carrying out research, development and technological work in the field of national issues under government contracts.

Subsection 0115 “Other national issues” reflects other expenses not classified as other subsections, as well as for the maintenance of executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and local governments in accordance with the law on the budget of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation and the decision on the budget of the municipal entity.

This subsection also reflects expenses associated with centralized procurement and supply, operation of central vehicle fleets, buildings owned or occupied by legislative and representative authorities; management of state and municipally owned shares of open joint stock companies; ensuring privatization and carrying out pre-sale preparation of privatization objects, real estate assessment, recognition of rights and regulation of relations regarding state and municipal property; conducting statistical surveys and censuses; provision and repayment of budget credits and loans, incl. provided to cover temporary cash gaps arising in the execution of the budgets of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and the budgets of municipalities, and expenses associated with the liquidation of the consequences of natural disasters, the execution of state guarantees for internal borrowings subject to the occurrence of recourse, the repayment of internal debt of the former USSR to owners of special (ruble) funds in the Savings Bank of the Russian Federation, reimbursement of expenses associated with making compensation payments on citizens' savings, and other national expenses.

Russian presidential candidate Grigory Yavlinsky became a guest of Svetlana Sorokina’s program “In the Circle of LIGHT” on radio “Echo of Moscow”. The Yabloko leader spoke about why he should participate in these elections, his presidential program and who ordered him to be “wiretapped” 18 years ago.

S. Sorokina

- Hello. This is the “In the Circle of Light” program. Yuri Kobaladze, Svetlana Sorokina here in the studio. Yuri Georgievich.

Yu. Kobaladze

- Good evening.

S. Sorokina

- And we welcome our only guest here in the studio today. This is Grigory Yavlinsky, candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation, politician, economist, one of the founders of the Yabloko party. Hello, Grigory Alekseevich.

G. Yavlinsky

- Good evening.

S. Sorokina

- Well, by the way, the Yabloko party is 25 years old, I suddenly realized, this year it will even be 26, as far as I understand. In 1993, after all, the main thing was everything before our eyes, Yuri Georgievich. We all remember and know this too. Tell me, Grigory Alekseevich, of all the questions that came to our site, and I remind you, you can continue to write now in SMS mode +7-985-970-45-45. My questions to Grigory Alekseevich. So, most of the questions related to why go to elections if their result is predetermined. You, of course, have already answered this question many times, but this question may not leave your lips, so it’s worth answering it briefly again.

G. Yavlinsky

- Well, yes, this is an important question. In our country there are no elections in the traditional sense. We have an authoritarian regime, an authoritarian system. Everyone knows that Vladimir Putin has 146%. Sometimes, however, disputes arise. Some optimists say 143, others say 147. But this does not change the essence. But on the other hand, the situation is that the policy that Vladimir Putin and his government have been pursuing for many years has simply turned out to be a complete dead end. The economy has stopped, and citizens’ incomes have been falling for 5 years; even according to official data, it is balancing between recession and stagnation. This is somewhere around zero growth or one. The country found itself isolated, the foreign policy was very dangerous, in many ways it brought Russia to a very dangerous point that had never been seen before. The point is that a very high level armed conflict, even war, can happen at any moment. Everyone knows this. Even by accident now. In addition, we are practically in a state of such a hybrid war with our closest neighbor - Ukraine, we intervened in the civil war in Syria, people are dying there. Soldiers and officers. All this together requires decisive action to stop such a policy.

I can continue to characterize her. But I think listeners know that. And how to stop it. This means that there is a rare opportunity, it happens once every 6 years, I’m not sure if it will happen again. When the absolute majority of people on voting day can express their attitude to this policy. By voting for a different policy and for a different direction, which in this case I represent. This is a very important point. And if tens of millions of people vote as if in a referendum for a different policy, this will have enormous political significance. Regardless of what the results are written, regardless of this. Because any government will pay attention to the tens of millions of people who vote. This will be a very important step. And if the opinion of tens of millions of people is ignored, then this will become the basis for people to defend their choice to the point of taking to the streets and defending it. Therefore, no government will want to mess with this or ignore it and will not be able to. This is the meaning of participating in elections.

S. Sorokina

- Don’t you have the feeling from your trips, from numerous meetings, that the demand today may not be for the values ​​that you have been defending for so many years?

G. Yavlinsky

- You know, I have an absolutely firm answer to your question regarding trips, as you said correctly, and regarding meetings. People can no longer put up with poverty, they can no longer put up with lack of rights. They no longer want to put up with the devastation. When I come to a city like Saratov and 42% of the housing stock there is not provided with hot water, and 30% of citizens do not have sewerage, and 20% have no water supply at all, then they still have a request for a change in policy. And people understand and feel this very well. Incomes have been falling for 5 years now, they feel it very clearly and very strongly.

Yesterday, for example, I was in Perm, and you’re talking to a person. A man works, a woman works in a factory, her husband works at an aircraft repair plant at the airport. They have two children, they together receive 30 thousand rubles. Together. They pay seven thousand rubles for utilities, for utilities. Two and a half thousand rubles - for the nursery. One and a half thousand rubles - for school. Then they also pay, they are forced to pay for major repairs. What do they have left? They have less than the minimum wage per capita, as you can easily understand. People definitely have a request for this. And it is up to politicians and economists to explain to people that with such a foreign policy, with such a domestic policy, in the absence of freedom, in the absence of compliance with the law, in the absence of an independent judicial system, poverty is inevitable.

Yu. Kobaladze

- But they listen?

G. Yavlinsky

- They still listen. They listen very much. And they pay very close attention to this and listen to it very carefully. That is why such a system has been created that it is impossible to explain this to people on television, because the Internet does not have much meaning for them, but television does. But there they discuss completely astronomical questions, there are some completely abstract questions that have no relation to their real life. And they already understand this too. Therefore, these meetings are of great importance. Moreover, the essence of the matter itself has enormous value, the very essence of the matter. How many will vote there is another question. But there is professional responsibility. Based on this professional responsibility, I, as an economist who has been involved in the Russian economy for many decades, now consider the key moment to turn to citizens and say: my dear fellow citizens, if we do not change policies, in particular economic and in general all this economic paradigm, then you will remain, and we will remain in the ruins of the Russian economy. Because the policy that President Putin is pursuing now is destroying the Russian economy. It just destroys it.

S. Sorokina

- Grigory Alekseevich, I remembered that in August 1999, when Yeltsin had just chosen his successor, the little-known Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. He then headed the FSB in his previous post. And there was a vote in the Duma, and you voted for him as prime minister. Do you think it was a mistake; there was no need to make him prime minister. It was absolutely clear that he was an FSB guy. Well, there was no point in supporting him.

G. Yavlinsky

- You know, firstly, the majority of my faction voted against, and I voted for. For the reason that Prime Minister Primakov instructed the head of the FSB, Vladimir Putin, to keep an eye on me. But he refused. And I became aware of this. And I told him exactly that: since you, Vladimir Vladimirovich, considered it possible to comply with the law and refused to spy on the deputy and the leader of the faction, then precisely in order to support you in this... This is generally an unprecedented case in the Russian Federation, that the head of the FSB refuses to spy the one he is tasked with carrying out secret, illegal surveillance by the Prime Minister. And that's why I want to vote for you.

S. Sorokina

- Are you sure that this was not a rumor?

G. Yavlinsky

- You don’t need to be sure of anything here, just if you get acquainted with what Tatyana Dyachenko wrote about this incident, you will read it all there. So there is no need to invent anything...

Yu. Kobaladze

- Knowing Primakov, I have big doubts.

S. Sorokina

- It seems to me too...

G. Yavlinsky

- Read what is written there.

S. Sorokina

- You never know, Dyachenko could write. Nevermind. In general, you had a personal reason to vote.

G. Yavlinsky

- I had a personal, important reason to vote. However, as president, I fought with Vladimir Putin and fought against his policies. This was a fundamental question. And when, as you know, some well-known people shouted: “Kiriyenko for the Duma, Putin for president” and waged a whole campaign in this direction, then I opposed this and fought with him and came third after Putin, Zyuganov. I was sure that there should be a second round, but the second round did not take place. This is what politics is all about. It was my principled attitude that he should not become president. And I fought against this, fought in the elections. As for his appointment as Prime Minister then, I will explain to you. I will always vote if the head of the FSB publicly refuses to carry out illegal surveillance of a Russian citizen...

S. Sorokina

- And he didn’t do it publicly.

G. Yavlinsky

- He will refuse. This must always be supported and that is why I am surprised that you are so upset about it. Don't be upset.

S. Sorokina

- No, I’m not upset. I'm trying to understand the logic of your actions.

G. Yavlinsky

- That’s the policy, it’s just...

S. Sorokina

- I just knew Primakov, I don’t believe it, to be honest.

G. Yavlinsky

- I also knew Primakov.

S. Sorokina

- Fine. Grigory Alekseevich, but now Sobchak tried to prove in the Supreme Court that Vladimir Vladimirovich does not have the right to serve another term. Why didn’t Yabloko raise such a question and claim?

G. Yavlinsky

- This has already been discussed a hundred times. And I believe that from a moral, ethical, political point of view, this is an absolutely correct point of view. But from the legal point of view, our Constitution says: “in a row.” And that's it, the question is closed. And it was closed many, many times, and what was discussed in 1998 was discussed on another topic. The topic of Yeltsin and his first term was discussed; this is a completely different question. Since it says “in a row” there. But what really needs to be done is, firstly, the term must be returned to four years, and secondly, it must be written that there are only two terms. And then, no matter what happens, a person can change his last name, change something else, change anything. But the same person can only exist twice in his life and that’s it. Eight years and that should be the end of it. Therefore, from the point of view of Russian politics and the need to prevent the continued decay of this system, yes, this is the right request. But from the point of view of the essence of the matter - well, this is some kind of PR campaign. This is from the region, such a show.

S. Sorokina

- Show, not show, but once again drawing the attention of society to the fact that this is not right, maybe it was still worth it.

G. Yavlinsky

- Yes, this is not correct, this is clear to everyone. You cannot be president for twenty years. 24-25.

S. Sorokina

- Returning to what you already talked about. Moreover, Russia is a European country. And now we are again building fences and separating ourselves. And I found this link on your website, that it was Catherine the Second who said back in her time at the end of the 18th century that Russia is a European country. Suddenly I thought that there was a period when Vladimir Vladimirovich really liked Empress Catherine the Second, and then he somehow switched his love to Alexander the Third. And this is very symptomatic. Do you think that in the current situation we have left this family of European countries for a long time, or we have a chance.

G. Yavlinsky

- This is not the first time in our history. We haven't gone anywhere for a long time yet. Politics will change, the president will change and everything, we will again be in that perspective, in that direction, in that trend to which our history and culture belong. This is not a question where anyone will say that we can become a different country or move in a different direction. It doesn't depend on words. From the point. Russian culture is a gigantic part of European culture. European culture is in many ways not only connected, but based on what was created by Russian culture.

Russian history is inextricably linked with Europe. Why does Vladimir Putin say that now we are going somewhere else? Because in modern European culture there is one rule - the turnover of power. Regular change of power. This topic of regular changes of power is a topic against which the current inhabitants of the Kremlin are fighting with terrible force. Be it the case with Yanukovych, be it the case with Assad. Whether this is any other case. Immutability and that's it. Only we can lead, and no one else can. But the fact is that all this leadership has reached a dead end, firstly, and, secondly, there is no idea of ​​where the country is being led and what its future is. This situation is very dangerous for the country and for the country’s economy. Therefore, it is necessary to publicly participate in procedures such as these elections in order to show a different direction. Show alternative.

S. Sorokina

- You, of course, have your own special opinion, different from almost all other candidates for the same Ukraine. Well, besides, this is your homeland and it would be surprising, probably, if this was not an important issue for you. But as for your position on Crimea, it turned many people away from you. After all, it so happened that the majority of the population, let’s not turn a blind eye to this, looks at the problem of Crimea completely differently. What can you tell these people?

G. Yavlinsky

“I talk to these people literally every day at meetings. Firstly, I want to say that the problem of the war with Ukraine affects me not only because I was born in Ukraine. But because this is the key problem of Russia today and tomorrow. And the blood that is being shed in Donbass is a key problem of the future, connected, first of all, with the Russian future. Secondly, it is very easy to explain to people. Very simple. Firstly, a politician is not a sociologist, he must be a leader, he must lead in the direction that allows solving the most pressing key problems on which the quality of life, standard of living and future of people and their children depend. And our entire country.

Ukraine is just such a question. Crimea is just such a question. Today Russia is a country with unrecognized borders. This is very bad. This problem is solved by convening an international conference to discuss the problem of the status of Crimea and develop a roadmap for solving this problem. So that this issue is resolved once and for all. Russia, Ukraine, and the European Union should take part in this conference. In addition, there are also Germany and France, since they are members of the Normandy Four. Great Britain and the USA as guarantors. Türkiye, for which this matters, and, of course, representatives of the population of the Crimean peninsula itself. There you need to sit down at a round table and develop a roadmap step by step on how to solve this problem. There is nothing special about this. Unless we talk a hundred times every day, the issue is resolved, we don’t want to hear anything, it’s not discussed, we don’t know anything. Like little children. The issue has not been resolved. We need to return to it. Because there is a concept of international law. We signed and Putin signed the border law, the border agreement was signed. All this has been done, so you can’t just skip it, and nothing will go away. And we need to solve this problem. Simple answer. Everyone I meet literally understands this.

S. Sorokina

- And if you were entrusted with such a task as negotiating our relations with Ukraine, would you take it on?

G. Yavlinsky

- As who?

S. Sorokina

- Representative of the state. Negotiator.

G. Yavlinsky

- Which state?

S. Sorokina

- Russian state.

G. Yavlinsky

- Which is controlled by whom?

S. Sorokina

- Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.

G. Yavlinsky

- If he said that’s it, he understood that it is necessary to solve problems with Ukraine and he is ready for serious action in order to solve this problem - yes, he is ready. Even if the president decides to change the policy, he says it clearly, understandably, outlines a plan of action, and I agree with this plan - but any person should do this. Anyone at all. This is not a question - the opposition, not the opposition. This is a vital issue for Russia, vitally important. Therefore, everything that can be done must be done. For example, you know very well, Svetlana Innokentievna, I was categorically against the war that Boris Yeltsin waged in Chechnya. But when it was necessary to go there and save the lives of our soldiers there, I did it. And he took out the coffins and took out the soldiers, and conducted negotiations. Because it was vitally important to these specific people. In the same way, this is vitally important for people who live in Donbass today in devastation and have no prospects, for example. And in general for Russia and for Ukraine in general.

S. Sorokina

- There are also a lot of unresolved issues in Donbass. All this requires is to make some specific decisions and really create a roadmap. I completely agree with you. Well, we probably won’t talk much about Syria, because your position and your program are clear. This is the withdrawal of troops from Syria and the end of the wars that are draining our budget and causing casualties.

G. Yavlinsky

- 250 billion rubles...

S. Sorokina

- Absolutely understandable. I think that in the next part of our conversation we will talk about the economy and your program in connection with our economy. Now there will be news. I would like to remind you that our guest is Grigory Yavlinsky, a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation, politician, economist, founder of the Yabloko party. Stay with us, we will continue in a few minutes.

S. Sorokina

- We welcome you again. Here is Grigory Yavlinsky, candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation. The news reminded us of this and, of course, we should talk about it. Today is the day of memory of Boris Nemtsov. With whom Grigory Alekseevich was very familiar. And he worked at one time in the Nizhny Novgorod province. As long as I remember. You were on the bridge today, as I understand it.

G. Yavlinsky

- Yes. Before we say this, this is really very important. I will still finish what you asked me. You said that the situation in Syria is clear. I want the withdrawal of troops and consider it necessary. But that is not all. I want to emphasize this. Constant statements by the Minister of Defense and the country's leadership in general that weapons are being tested there...

S. Sorokina

- And we kind of train.

G. Yavlinsky

- Since weapons are tested there during real combat operations and there are living people there, and in general there is such pathos that they are testing weapons and therefore one must be there - this is a truly absolute ethical disaster for the country. Just listen. This means that there are no ideas about what human life is, what can be done, what cannot be done. The Syrian war does not in any sense concern our national interests. It does not in any sense concern either our sovereignty or the lives of our citizens in Russia in any sense. And weapons are being tested there, they got involved in a civil war there and now they boast about what they are testing there, they are testing new weapons in the civil war. Now the second topic. The civilian population is always part of the victims there. It cannot be otherwise. Because there is a full-scale war going on there.

All the talk about truces, about UN decisions and so on - this is all very doubtful and is not being implemented. People are simply dying there, this is a very serious thing. We need to stop all this as quickly as possible. Because this creates a very large conflict for the distant future between Russia and all Muslims, with the Muslim world. And this is absolutely not in favor of our national interests. And finally, look, the war is going on in Syria, the terrorists who really exist there, ISIS (a group banned in Russia), which is there, during this war moves to Afghanistan and unites with the Taliban, moves north through the central Asian republics, through Central Asia. Lavrov already talks about this almost every day, every week, that a huge danger is brewing there. This is what a boomerang turns out to be - we shoot there, and it comes back to us. And the latest terrorist attacks have their roots in Central Asia. Everyone already knows this. Look how this whole operation turned out to be a serious failure and mistake.

S. Sorokina

- This was clear to many, in my opinion, when it all just began.

G. Yavlinsky

- It was absolutely clear.

S. Sorokina

- And it was scary from the first day.

G. Yavlinsky

“That’s why I collected signatures and collected more than 100 thousand signatures to stop and 46% of the residents of our country, even according to those famous polls, support stopping this operation. That’s why Putin has already said twice that we are leaving there. And we can’t leave there, because it’s a quagmire. This is the Middle East.

S. Sorokina

- And about Borya Nemtsov.

G. Yavlinsky

- Yes. Well what can I say. Today is the day of his murder. The point of his murder was fear, to spread fear, to be afraid. They were afraid to say what they thought. They were afraid to cross the line that someone had set, what was allowed and what was not allowed. So that people are afraid to be free, so that they understand that anything can happen beyond the line of what is permitted. That's even murder. Some kind of murder is political. He was a statesman. They refused to consider this case as an attempt on the life of a statesman. He was absolutely a statesman, because he was a deputy, then he was a governor, then he was the first deputy prime minister. Then he was again a deputy, then he again became a regional deputy, he was a statesman all his life, starting in 1990.

S. Sorokina

G. Yavlinsky

- That's it. Then only one person can be considered a statesman. He is truly a statesman. This means that the customer was not found. They began to investigate this case in such a way that no one believes in the results of this investigation. And, in general, this all speaks very eloquently that this is a serious political murder, which, on the one hand, is associated with creating an atmosphere of hatred and fear, and on the other hand, to intimidate everyone who might cross the line. And who crosses this line every day. It happened with Politkovskaya...

S. Sorokina

- I just wanted to say. That I remembered how we buried Anya Politkovskaya.

G. Yavlinsky

- They were people more courageous than are allowed to be in our country. They were caught and killed for this. She was killed and he was killed.

S. Sorokina

- This is true. Here's a question for you as a presidential candidate. And how to build relations, if you are the president, how to build relations with Chechnya.

G. Yavlinsky

- With everyone on the basis of compliance with the laws, on the basis of the Constitution. This is part of the Russian Federation. This needs to be done in Chechnya, and it needs to be done in Novgorod.

S. Sorokina

- Grigory Alekseevich, this is understandable. And it seems like you made an excuse. But in fact, you understand perfectly well that everything is not as complicated as...

G. Yavlinsky

- That's exactly how it is. It's so complicated.

S. Sorokina

- What to do with Mr. Kadyrov?

G. Yavlinsky

- They came to Afghanistan, and that’s it. They also told us for a very long time that this is not possible there, there are clans there. A political decision was made. They arrived, and everything at once...

S. Sorokina

- Kadyrov was not there.

G. Yavlinsky

- So what? There were other clans there.

S. Sorokina

- No, there is a certain person here. And this is a feature that cannot be ignored.

G. Yavlinsky

“We need to take it into account and everything needs to be done according to the law, according to Russian laws, according to the Russian Constitution. And the people there suffer most from the lack of laws, from the lack of justice. And that’s why people go from there to fight in ISIS and so on. Because they live in conditions of absolute arbitrariness and absolute lack of rights. By the way, it so happened that I get a lot of letters from there. And people stop me on the street in Moscow and this is exactly what they say. They want the law to prevail there. Well, if he doesn’t operate in Moscow, you want him there... And Kadyrov has to do with it. Kadyrov is one of the circumstances. So, Sechin doesn’t come to court either because Kadyrov scared him or someone scared him. Why doesn't he come to court when the case is directly related to him? This is why this happens. Is this also happening in Chechnya? As far as I understand, this court was here. And the former minister was tried.

S. Sorokina

- By the way, I noticed that in almost all the programs of all presidential candidates, well, except for Putin, I have not seen his program, almost all of them have a need for judicial reform. In my opinion, everyone is already fed up with this.

G. Yavlinsky

- Simply because it is impossible to live in the 21st century if you have it, it’s like playing football when all the referees play on the opposite team. All judges. And the score is on the scoreboard. You came to play football, the scoreboard shows the result of the match. And all the judges play on that team. Well, all people understand that it is impossible to do either the economy or business this way. That's the main question. Look who is the arbiter in economic disputes and in disputes that occur in business. FSB and Investigative Committee or court and arbitration. Well, the answer is obvious. That's it. And so who can run a business, who will make investments, who will engage in economic growth. Nobody. That's it, this will all end. And that’s why, by the way, Svetlana Innokentievna, you can write a million programs designed for this system - not one of them will work. Because in conditions when your law is not the same for everyone, when your court is not independent and when your private property is conditional and can be redistributed at any time, Russia will never have a modern, powerful economy. And without this, we will not defeat poverty, we will not defeat devastation, we will not get out of a situation where people simply have nothing to live on. There's simply nothing to live on. And I must tell you what you asked me. When I meet people, I see that people understand this very well. They understand perfectly well.

Yu. Kobaladze

G. Yavlinsky

- I meet with a small number of people, it’s impossible to reach a hundred million voters, you know.

S. Sorokina

- Yes. Tell me, please, Grigory Alekseevich, when you were preparing the “500 days” program, you said that you were relying on the experience of Japan. Please tell me today, if you had the opportunity to carry out some kind of economic transformation, what experience would you most likely have in mind? Whose experience were they based on?

G. Yavlinsky

- Thank you. That's the question. Firstly, I made this program. It's called "The Road to the Future".

S. Sorokina

- I saw it on your website.

G. Yavlinsky

- And, secondly, now we have our own experience. We no longer need Japanese experience. And not only that, I have to tell you an important thing. In the reforms that need and will be carried out in Russia, we must rely on our history, on our culture, on the experience of the last thirty years. But most importantly - on our culture, and I would even add - Russian tradition

Yu. Kobaladze

- Mentality.

G. Yavlinsky

“It is precisely by relying on this that you need to achieve results and you can achieve results.” This is something I didn’t understand 20 years ago.

S. Sorokina

- That is, a sovereign economy.

G. Yavlinsky

- No. When you hosted “Hero of the Day”, then I also talked about how to make reforms, but then I didn’t understand it. No, the sovereign economy is some kind of nonsense. Our economy is part of the world and it can never be effective if...

S. Sorokina

- Well, if no one’s experience is suitable, then there is some degree of sovereignty.

G. Yavlinsky

- Not in this case. Here I will give you one example. In Russia, only those reforms will be successful that are aimed at the majority of Russian residents. Reforms carried out specifically for certain groups will never be successful in Russia. This is the principle. Once upon a time I made a program - reforms for the majority. I want to emphasize this again and say that this is one of the principles, but that’s not all. You said correctly, yes, Russian mentality, Russian character, Russian idea of ​​life. Any reform that you are planning, you should immediately think about whether it will have a positive impact on the lives of the absolute majority of citizens. In order not to repeat the words of Alexander Grigorievich Lukashenko: I will carry out reforms, you will live poorly, but not for long.

S. Sorokina

- And Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin said that our children and grandchildren will still envy us.

G. Yavlinsky

- You see, this is one example. These fundamental features of Russia must necessarily lie, this is simply an axiom. This is one of the axioms of what needs to be done.

S. Sorokina

- And that is why in your program the fight against poverty and the first measures in this regard are practically in the first place.

G. Yavlinsky

- Therefore, but not only. Also because what poverty is is a compression of domestic demand. If you have such a sector of poverty, if you have 25 million poor people, then how will you boost the economy, who will be your customers. Why businesses go bankrupt, why all small and medium-sized enterprises stopped. Why yesterday I spent half a day at a small enterprise, people explain: that’s it, we can’t, we have no buyers. We produce cakes and pastries here, but we are in an absolute recession, people are not buying. Our costs are rising, we cannot raise prices, and we have no buyers. But we can’t think about prices - because there is no buyer. That’s why economic growth needs to start with the elimination of poverty, and not by liquidating private banks, transferring everything to the state, or creating some more state corporations that do not pay dividends and do not pay into the state budget. This is the wrong way. And our nationalization continues.

In general, what is happening here is that we are undergoing the largest nationalization in the world, so far bloodless, thank God, nationalization and no one even notices it. Our entire economy is becoming state-owned. And this will again lead to the same crisis and collapse that it led to in the late eighties. That's why I feel it's my professional responsibility to talk to people about this now. Right now, I want to emphasize and want to draw attention to the fact that in fact the situation with the economy and in general with economic policy and, more broadly, with politics is such that it threatens serious collapse. And a serious crisis. Really threatening. Not today, maybe tomorrow, maybe not tomorrow, after some time, many factors influence this. But in the medium term, if we follow this route, then there is nothing else ahead.

S. Sorokina

- And that’s why you include this program, which was developed even before any presidential “Land, House, Road” - you include it and your program because you think that this will increase the number of people who are at least somehow approaching the position of the average class.

G. Yavlinsky

- Absolutely right. Program "Land, houses, roads"- the essence is this: that everyone can receive a piece of land for free as personal property. In the European part - 30 acres, beyond the Urals - 60 acres. And the state, using revenues from oil and gas, will provide infrastructure, that is, roads, gas supply, water supply, electricity. This is a matter of a powerful rise in domestic demand. A powerful increase in domestic demand so that this is a machine and mechanism for economic growth. This is where I have to return to your question and say the following. The most important issue here is the experience of European countries. This is how they recovered after World War II through housing construction. Why - because housing construction provides a huge number of new jobs. Because it ensures economic diversification. It has a powerful effect that increases the number of interconnections in the economy.

There is such a concept - a multiplier. This is the effect housing construction has, because a lot of things are needed there, metal structures are needed, furniture is needed, building materials are needed. Electronics are needed, plumbing is needed. Well, of course, it’s not Italian, but people are starting to produce their own plumbing fixtures, demand appears, and this whole huge economic machine begins to move. And what Svetlana said is extremely important - a middle class is emerging. This is where 500 Days began. 500 Days began with the idea of ​​creating a middle class of people who own property and run their own businesses.

S. Sorokina

- Imagine, almost 30 years have passed, and we still dream of creating a middle class.

G. Yavlinsky

- This is the whole problem.

S. Sorokina

― Fedor from Vologda writes that in Vologda there is no program for candidate Yavlinsky, the headquarters is inactive. Well, Fedor, in general you can go to the website to look and read.

G. Yavlinsky

- Let's fix it, Fedor.

S. Sorokina

- Yes, but Grigory Alekseevich promises to improve. There are also claims that between election campaigns, Yabloko is inactive in the regions. What is your answer to this?

G. Yavlinsky

- “Apple” works in very difficult conditions. In very difficult ones. But we are nevertheless trying, and look at our results, for example, how Lev Shlosberg works, what the results are in the Pskov region, look how Emilia Slabunova works in Karelia, what results we have there. Look at St. Petersburg. We are at a very good level there.

S. Sorokina

- St. Petersburg, in my opinion, treats Yabloko well.

G. Yavlinsky

- Yes, we have good results there. I can give other examples around the country. So yes, join us in our work. Get involved because we want to create a real movement for change. One of the tasks why I am participating in the presidential elections is to create in Russia a broad, I would say inter-party and civil movement for change in the country. This is vitally overdue, because the country is pupating, is isolated and is simply rotting.

Yu. Kobaladze

- Who is your main competitor in the elections?

G. Yavlinsky

Yu. Kobaladze

- Well, Putin understands.

G. Yavlinsky

- That's it, no more.

S. Sorokina

- And Grudinin, who seems to be gaining a large number of votes.

G. Yavlinsky

- Firstly, I don’t know what a large number is, and then there’s nothing even necessary to discuss here. His idol is Stalin, so there is no subject for discussion.

S. Sorokina

- I understand you. I also wanted to ask this question. Please tell me what you mean by management reform.

G. Yavlinsky

- By management reform, I mean what we have been discussing for an hour. So that the country has an independent court, so that the laws are the same for everyone...

S. Sorokina

- But first of all, you mean the courts.

G. Yavlinsky

- So that there is a separation of powers, you understand.

S. Sorokina

- This is about management.

G. Yavlinsky

- So this is government. Governance of the country. This is what it is, so that the functions are clearly divided between the president, the government, and the State Duma, so that there is legislative power as legislative power. Of course, all this cannot be done instantly, but we must take a small step in this direction every day, this is a matter of life. Just life and survival.

S. Sorokina

- And please remind me what you have in the anti-corruption program. This is such a fashionable theme that everyone has too.

G. Yavlinsky

- Thank you. Regarding the fight against corruption, in the conditions of our country, the fight against corruption can generally be discussed seriously only after a change of power. The first issue in the fight against corruption is the change of power. Until there is a change of power, there is nothing more to talk about. When you write denunciations of one corrupt official to another corrupt official, well, this is of little use. This, of course, looks funny, but it is of little use. But the only real step towards truly starting to fight corruption is a change of government. Because if the government does not change for 20 years, and it has not changed in our country for 20 years, but soon for 30 years. Already from some year 91, it was simply transferred from one hand to another. When the government does not change, when all connections remain, when this whole mafia system has been preserved for decades, how can you defeat corruption. There is no way you can defeat her. She is simply the core of the system, she is the essence. Well, that's all. The merger of business and government, the merger of business, government and property together is the foundation of corruption in Russia. Until government is separated from business and power is separated from property, it is impossible to defeat corruption in Russia. And such a system was made back in the nineties, when all this was brought together, but that’s another conversation.

S. Sorokina

- Yes, this is a different conversation, because the time for this conversation has come to an end. Let me remind you what Grigory Yavlinsky and I talked about. He is a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation. Thank you, Grigory Alekseevich, success, all the best.

G. Yavlinsky

- Thanks a lot. All the best. Thanks for the interesting conversation.

1) consensus 2) authority 3) sovereignty 4) neutrality

A.3 In the state of Latvia there is a unified system of legislative, executive and judicial power, as well as a unified financial system and one Constitution. The state of Latvia is divided into states, which do not have independence. What is the form of the state-territorial structure of the state of L.? 1) confederation2) unitary state3) federal state4) monarchy
A.4 In the state of T., citizens do not have the right to make political choices, as well as political, ideological and economic pluralism in the country. Citizens cannot influence the government, which exercises complete control over all spheres of society. What political regime exists in the state of T.? 1) democratic2) authoritarian3) totalitarian4) tyrannical
A.5 Party “S.” defends the ideas of the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. This party is 1) conservative2) democratic3) anarchist4) fascist
A.6 Are the following judgments about state sovereignty correct? A. State sovereignty is not the main feature of the state.B. Unlimited state sovereignty really does not exist and cannot exist. 1) only A is true 2) only B is true 3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrect
A.7 Are the following judgments about the referendum correct? A. A referendum is a form of direct democracy that allows citizens to make the final decision on the issue put to a vote.B. Issues concerning the most important problems of political life are put to a national referendum.1) only A is correct 2) only B is correct3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrect
A.8 Which of the following provisions does not relate to human rights? 1) the right to property2) the right to freedom of creativity 3) the right to have friends4) the right to honor and dignity
A.9 The goals of criminal punishment include(s) 1) restoration of justice2) correction of the convicted person3) prevention of the commission of new crimes4) all of the above
A.10 The highest value of the Russian Federation according to the Constitution of the Russian Federation is (are) 1) man, his rights and freedoms2) land and other natural resources3) the principle of separation of powers4) citizenship of the Russian Federation
A.11 The main functions of the President of the Russian Federation include 1) appointment of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation 2) appointment of the Chairman of the Federation Council 3) appointment of the Chairman of the State Duma 4) appointment of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation with the consent of the State Duma
A.12 Having been released after serving his sentence, citizen B. met a group of minors and decided to accustom them to the romance of a new life. According to his plan, minors entered the dacha of citizen P. and took away his jewelry, video recorder, and currency. This act of citizen B. is 1) an unfortunate accident2) a crime3) a misdemeanor4) has nothing to do with offenses
A.13 Are the following judgments about the rules of law correct? A. Rules of law determine generally binding boundaries of possible or proper behavior of people in society. B. Rules of law are ensured by the use of state coercion. 1) only A is true 2) only B is true 3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrect

A.1 Complete independence of a state from other states is called 1) consensus 2) authority 3) sovereignty 4) neutrality

A.2 Indicate an action that is not a form of citizen participation in political life: 1) written appeal to the local administration 2) election of deputies to the legislative body 3) participation in the organization of a political party 4) participation in the activities of a trade union
A.3 In the state of Latvia there is a unified system of legislative, executive and judicial power, as well as a unified financial system and one Constitution. The state of Latvia is divided into states, which do not have independence. What is the form of the state-territorial structure of the state of L.? 1) confederation2) unitary state3) federal state4) monarchyA.4 In the state of T., citizens do not have the right to make political choices, as well as political, ideological and economic pluralism in the country. Citizens cannot influence the government, which exercises complete control over all spheres of society. What political regime exists in the state of T.? 1) democratic2) authoritarian3) totalitarian4) tyrannicalA.5 Party “S.” defends the ideas of the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. This party is 1) conservative2) democratic3) anarchist4) fascistA.6 Are the following judgments about state sovereignty correct? A. State sovereignty is not the main feature of the state.B. Unlimited state sovereignty really does not exist and cannot exist.1) only A is true 2) only B is true3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrectA.7 Are the following judgments about the referendum correct? A. A referendum is a form of direct democracy that allows citizens to make the final decision on the issue put to a vote.B. Questions concerning the most important problems of political life are put to a national referendum.1) only A is true 2) only B is true3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrectA.8 Which of the following provisions does not apply to human rights? 1) the right of property2) the right to freedom of creativity 3) the right to have friends4) the right to honor and dignity A.9 The goals of criminal punishment include (are) 1) restoration of justice2) correction of the convicted person3) prevention of the commission of new crimes4) all of the aboveA.10 The highest value The Russian Federation, according to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is (are) 1) a person, his rights and freedoms2) land and other natural resources3) the principle of separation of powers4) citizenship of the Russian Federation.11 The main functions of the President of the Russian Federation include 1) the appointment of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation2) the appointment of the Chairman of the Federation Council3) appointment of the Chairman of the State Duma4) appointment of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation with the consent of the State DumaA.12 Having been released after serving his sentence, citizen B. met a group of minors and decided to accustom them to the romance of a new life. According to his plan, minors entered the dacha of citizen P. and took away his jewelry, video recorder, and currency. This act of citizen B. is 1) an unfortunate accident 2) a crime 3) a misdemeanor 4) has nothing to do with offenses A.13 Are the following judgments about the rules of law correct? A. Rules of law determine generally binding boundaries of possible or proper behavior of people in society. B. Rules of law are ensured by the use of state coercion. 1) only A is true 2) only B is true 3) both judgments are correct 4) both judgments are incorrect

2.1 Budget expenditures on national issues

The item “General government expenditures” includes expenses for:

Functioning of the head of state - the President of the Russian Federation.

Functioning of legislative (representative) bodies of state power and local self-government.

Functioning of the Government of the Russian Federation, supreme executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local administrations.

Judicial system.

Ensuring the activities of financial, tax and customs authorities and supervisory authorities.

Ensuring the holding of elections and referendums.

International relations and international cooperation.

International economic and humanitarian assistance.

State material reserve.

Basic research.

Servicing state and municipal debt.

Reserve funds.

Applied scientific research in the field of national issues.

Other national issues.

Expenditures under the item “National Issues” are among the most significant, but for three years they have been practically at the same level: in 2007, 812.1 billion rubles were executed, in 2008 - 835.2 billion rubles, in 2009 g. – 829.4 billion rubles, i.e. Compared to 2008, in 2009 expenses even decreased by about 6 billion rubles (Fig. 2).

2.2 Budget expenditures on national defense

National defense is the main element of state security (along with law enforcement and prevention and response to emergencies and natural disasters).

The item “National Defense” includes expenses for:

Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.

Mobilization and non-military training.

Mobilization preparation of the economy.

Preparation and participation in ensuring collective security and peacekeeping activities.

Nuclear weapons complex.

Implementation of international obligations in the field of military-technical cooperation.

Applied scientific research in the field of national defense.

Other issues in the field of national defense.

The parameters of expenditures on national defense included in the budgets of recent years reflect the country’s consistently pursued policy of strengthening its defense capability. In general, the budgets of recent years have made it possible to stabilize the financing situation for the Armed Forces and move from maintaining the viability of the army at a minimum level to a development model.

Budget allocations for national defense have been growing steadily over recent years. In 2007, they amounted to only 822 billion rubles, in 2008 – already 1040.8 billion rubles, and in 2009 – 1188.2 billion rubles.

One of the reasons for the current increase in spending on national defense is the chronic underfunding and exclusion from the list of priority areas for the development and provision of state support of both the national defense sector and the provision of state defense orders, observed in recent decades. The main items of expenditure for the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation have always been, first of all, the cost of armament, provision of personnel, organization of combat training and logistics, amounting in total to about 75% of all costs.

A significant amount of state spending on the national security of the country in general and on the protection of individual citizens in particular is a forced but necessary measure. Protecting the interests of the country and protecting Russians is the direct responsibility of the state.

2.3 Budget expenditures on national security and law enforcement activities

The item “National security and law enforcement” includes expenses for:

Prosecutor's office.

Internal affairs bodies.

Internal troops.

Judicial authorities.

Penal system.

Security authorities.

Border service agencies.

Bodies for control over the circulation of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.

Protection of the population and territory from natural and man-made emergencies, civil defense.

Ensuring fire safety.

Migration policy.

Applied scientific research in the field of national security and law enforcement.

Other issues in the field of national security and law enforcement.

Money under this article goes to fight crime and terrorism, to prevent and eliminate the consequences of emergencies and natural disasters, and to combat drug trafficking.

Expenditures on national security and law enforcement in 2007 amounted to 667 billion rubles, in 2008 - 835.5 billion rubles, in 2009 - 1004.5 billion rubles (Fig. 4).

Fig.4 Dynamics of federal budget expenditures on national security and law enforcement, billion rubles

The dynamics of expenditures on national security and law enforcement activities is characterized by a stable increase in expenditures in absolute terms and a slight change in the structure in terms of an increase in the share of expenditures on prevention and liquidation of the consequences of emergencies and natural disasters, an increase in the share of expenditures on combating drug trafficking, primarily due to allocation of budgetary allocations at the level of consolidated budgets of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

1.5 trillion rubles in 2011. The test consists of 12 pages, 1 table, 5 diagrams, 10 references. Analysis of Federal Budget Expenditures Let us conduct a comparative analysis of the federal budget expenditures for 2009 and for the planning period of 2010 and 2011. Let's look at table No. 1. Table No. 1 - Federal budget expenditures for 2009 and for the planning period 2010 and...

Trillion rubles, and in 2011 11.3 trillion. rub. The federal budget surplus is projected at 1.9 trillion. rubles in 2009, 1.4 trillion. rubles in 2010 and 1.5 trillion. rubles in 2011. Economic content and classification of expenditures of the federal budget of the Russian Federation It can be said that budget expenditures are certain economic relations associated with distribution (redistribution) and...