June Uprising in Paris in 1848 - a mass armed uprising of Parisian workers (June 23-26), "the first great civil war between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie" (V. I. Lenin, Soch., 4th ed., vol. 29, p. 283), the most important event of the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1848 in France.

The uprising was a response to the offensive of bourgeois reaction against the democratic rights and freedoms won by the working people as a result of the February Revolution of 1848. In Paris, it was preceded by uprisings in Rouen, Elboeuf and Limoges (at the end of April), a demonstration on May 15 in Paris, an uprising on June 22-23 in Marseille and some other folk performances. The immediate cause for the uprising in Paris was the decision of the Commission of the Executive Power to proceed with the deportation to the provinces of workers employed in national workshops, which were organized for the unemployed and numbered at that time over 100 thousand people (this mass of people, many of whom had weapons, inspired fear bourgeoisie and government). The provocative actions of the government aroused great indignation among the workers. On June 22, columns of demonstrators marched through the streets of Paris with exclamations of “We will not leave!”, “Down with the Constituent Assembly!”.

On the morning of June 23, the construction of barricades began on the streets of the city (about 600 in total). The uprising swept the working-class districts of the eastern and northeastern parts of Paris, as well as its suburbs - Montmartre, La Chapelle, La Villette, Belleville, Temple, Menilmontant, Ivry and some others. The total number of rebels was 40-45 thousand people (according to other sources - about 60 thousand). The leadership of the armed struggle was carried out by "brigadiers" and "delegates" of national workshops, leaders of political clubs, commanders of national guard detachments of working suburbs and suburbs (Racari, Barthélemy, Pellieu, Cournet, Pujols, Ibruis, Legenissel, Desteract, Delacolonge, etc.). However, a single leading center was not created. Communication between the rebel detachments of the various quarters proved to be completely inadequate. As a result, it was not possible to carry out the general plan of offensive operations from the workers' quarters to the city center, developed by the former officer I. R. Kersozi.


The general slogan of the uprising was the words "Long live the democratic and social republic!". With these words, the participants in the uprising expressed their desire to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie and establish the power of the working people. The list of members of the new government, compiled in case the uprising was victorious, included the names of O. Blanca, F. V. Raspail, A. Barbes, A. Albert and other prominent revolutionaries who were in prison at that moment. Frightened by the scale of the uprising, the bourgeois Constituent Assembly on June 24 handed over dictatorial power to the Minister of War, General L. E. Cavaignac. Detachments of troops were called from the provinces to Paris, the arrival of which gave the government a huge preponderance of forces over the insurgent workers. On June 26, after four days of heroic resistance, the June uprising was crushed.

Follow us on telegram

One of the main reasons for the defeat of the June uprising was that the peasantry, townspeople, petty bourgeoisie, deceived by anti-communist propaganda, did not support the revolutionary workers of Paris. Only in some large industrial cities (Amiens, Dijon, Bordeaux, etc.) did demonstrations of solidarity between the working people and the proletarians of the capital take place, which were dispersed by government troops. K. Marx and F. Engels came out in defense of the June rebels by publishing articles in the New Rhine Gazette that exposed the slanderous fabrications of the reactionary press and explained the enormous historical significance of the June uprising.

The suppression of the June uprising was accompanied by mass arrests (about 25 thousand people), executions of prisoners, exile without trial of more than 3,500 people, disarmament of the population of the workers' quarters of Paris and other cities. The consequence of this was a sharp increase in bourgeois reaction and, ultimately, the death of the Second Republic, the establishment in France of the regime of the Bonapartist dictatorship (1851). The defeat of the June uprising contributed to the strengthening of the counter-revolution in a number of other countries.

Bourgeois historiography either completely ignores or grossly distorts the events of the June uprising, repeating the slanderous fabrications of the reactionary press of 1848 about the June uprisings. An example of a gross falsification of the history of the June uprising is, first of all, the book “History of the Second Republic”, written by the monarchist and cleric Pierre de la Gorce (Pierre de la Gorce, Histoire de la Seconde république française, t. 1-2, P., 1887; 10 ed., P., 1925). In an extremely hostile tone, the bourgeois republican, a former member of the Provisional Government and the Executive Commission of 1848, L. Garnier-Pages, wrote about the June uprising, arguing that the uprising was caused by the intrigues of the Bonapartist and Legitimist conspirators (LA Garnier-Pagès, Histoire de la Révolution de 1848, vol. 9-11, P., 1861-72). The bourgeois historian General Ibo published a special work praising the executioner of the June rebels, General Cavaignac and considering him a "model" worthy of imitation in our time (P. E. M. Ibos, Le général Cavaignac, un dictateur républicain, P., 1930). Some modern bourgeois historians portray the June Uprising as a spontaneous hunger riot (Ch. Schmidt, Les journées de juin 1848, P., 1926; his own, Des ateliers nationaux aux barricades de juin, P., 1948).

The first truthful work about the June uprising published in France was the book of the revolutionary-democratic publicist and poet L. Menard (L. Ménard, Prologue d'une révolution, P., 1849), which contained a vivid, historical essay that exposed the executioners rebellious workers. The books of the petty-bourgeois publicist J. Castille (H. Castille, Les massacres de juin 1848, P., 1869) and the socialist O. Vermorel (Aug. Vermorel, Les hommes de 1848) are devoted to exposing the policy of the bourgeois republicans of the right wing, their bloody reprisals against the insurgent workers , P., 1869).

The Paris Commune of 1871 increased interest in the history of the June uprising, it began to be regarded in democratic and socialist historiography as a harbinger of the Commune. In 1880, a pamphlet by V. Marouck, an employee of the Hedist newspaper Égalité, dedicated to the June Uprising, was published (V. Marouck, Les grandes dates du socialisme. Juin 1848, P., 1880). Among the works of French Marxist historians, E. Tersen's article "June 1848" (E. Tersen, Juin 48, "La Pensée", 1948, No. 19) is of particular value for the study of the June uprising.

One of the first Soviet studies on the June Uprising was A. I. Molok’s book “K. Marx and the June uprising of 1848 in Paris. In 1948, books by N. E. Zastenker (“The Revolution of 1848 in France”) and A. I. Molok (“The June Days of 1848 in Paris”) were published, as well as a number of articles on these issues. A significant place is given to the June uprising in the collective work "Revolutions of 1848-1849", ed. Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, ed. F. V. Potemkin and A. I. Molok (vol. 1-2, M., 1952).

Lit .: K. Marx, June Revolution, K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., Vol. 5; him, Klas. wrestling in France, from 1848 to 1850, ibid., vol. 7; Engels F., Details of the events of June 23, ibid., vol. 5; his own, June 23, ibid.; his own, June Revolution (Progress of the uprising in Paris), ibid.; Lenin V.I., From which class. sources come and "will come" Cavaignacs?, Soch., 4th ed., vol. 25; his own, State and Revolution, Ch. 2, ibid.; Herzen A.I., From the other side, Sobr. soch., vol. 6, M., 1955; his own, Past and thoughts, part 5, ibid., v. 10, M., 1956; Revolution of 1848 in France in the memoirs of participants and contemporaries, M.-L., 1934; Bourgen Zh., Repression after the June days, in the book: “Reports and messages of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR”, c. 11, M., 1956; Molok A. I., Some questions of the history of the June uprising of 1848 in Paris, "VI", 1952, No 12; his own, From the unpublished documents of the June uprising of the Paris workers, in the book: From the history of socio-political. ideas. Sat. Art. to the 75th anniversary of V. P. Volgin, M., 1955.

Based on the article by A. I. Molok, Moscow, Soviet Historical Encyclopedia

Reasons for the defeat of the June uprising and its historical significance

One of the most important reasons for the defeat of the June uprising in 1848 was the isolation of the Parisian workers from the working class of the rest of France. An important role was played by the vacillations of the urban petty bourgeoisie and the passivity of the peasantry, deceived by counter-revolutionary propaganda.

In some provincial towns, advanced workers expressed their sympathy for the June insurgents. In Louviers and Dijon the workers organized demonstrations of solidarity with the revolutionary proletarians of Paris. In Bordeaux, a mob of workers tried to take over the prefecture building. The workers signed up for volunteer detachments to go to Paris to help the uprising. Attempts were made not to let the troops called from its environs into the capital. However, sympathetic responses to the uprising in Paris were too weak and therefore could not change the course of events.

The international counter-revolution greeted the bloody suppression of the June uprising with approval. Nicholas I sent Cavaignac congratulations on this occasion.

The progressive people of many European countries expressed their solidarity with the revolutionary workers of Paris. Herzen and other Russian revolutionary democrats experienced painfully the brutal reprisals against the participants in the June uprising.

The historical significance of the June uprising of 1848 in Paris is very great. Marx called it "the first great battle between the two classes into which modern society is disintegrating. It was a struggle for the preservation or destruction of the bourgeois system.” Lenin saw one of the most important lessons of the June uprising in that it revealed the fallacy and perniciousness of the theory and tactics of Louis Blanc and other representatives of petty-bourgeois utopian socialism, freed the proletariat from many harmful illusions. “The execution of workers by the republican bourgeoisie in the June days of 1848 in Paris,” Lenin pointed out, “finally determines the socialist nature of one proletariat ... All the teachings about non-class socialism and non-class politics turn out to be empty nonsense.” (V. I. Lenin, The historical fate of the teachings of Karl Marx, Soch., vol. 18, p. 545.) -

Peasant uprising Jacquerie.
Jacquerie - the largest peasant uprising in French history, which had an anti-feudal character, which took place in 1358 year. It was a reaction to the position of France in the Hundred Years War.
In the 14th century, this uprising was called "war of non-nobles with nobles". The name that is used in scientific circulation now was coined much later. The uprising received this name in honor of how the nobles called their peasants - "Good little Jacques."

Causes of the uprising

As you know, in this period of time, France waged a fierce war against England - the Hundred Years War, and in that period of time, she was seriously in distress. France began a serious economic crisis, which was facilitated by the ruin of the country, since the British troops were operating in full force on the territory of the French. To support the army, the French crown imposed heavy taxes on peasants. In addition, the situation was aggravated plague epidemic - the legendary "black death".
Thief of France "Black Death" claimed about a third of the total population. Unrest grew among the peasants and the uprising was only a matter of time. And since the French lost a huge contingent of their army, there was no one to protect the land. Unlike the cities, the plots of the peasants were not defended in any way, and they suffered from British raids. And to everything else, the mercenaries of France also did not hesitate to rob the French peasants.
The French crown imposed even more taxes on the peasants, because the money was needed to ransom the king - John who was captured by the British at the Battle of Poitiers. Most of the fortresses near the capital of France were destroyed and money was needed to restore them. Here the crown once again imposed even greater taxes on the peasants.
But the last straw was robberies of Charles the Evil - King of Navarre. His people robbed their own subjects, ravaged their homes, raped their wives and daughters. The peasantry could no longer tolerate this and finally decided to take decisive action.

Insurrection

The peasants began to act decisively and rebelled against the nobility destroying hundreds of castles along the way. Simultaneously with Jacquerie, began uprising in Paris. The leader of the Jacquerie was an ordinary French peasant Guillaume Kal. He understood that the poorly armed peasants had little chance against the regular troops and he was looking for allies. Kal tried to establish ties with the leader of the Paris uprising - Etienne Marcel. He arrived in Paris to make an alliance with Marseille in order to fight together against the feudal lords. But The citizens of Paris refused to let the peasants into the city. This happened in other cities as well.
Marseille in Paris headed around three thousand rebellious artisans. Marseille himself was a wealthy merchant. The rebels in Paris broke into the royal palace and perpetrated massacre there - they were king's closest advisers killed Carla. Charles himself only miraculously managed to save his life. Marcel himself saved him from death. After that, the French army blocked the import of food into Paris and prepared to take the city under siege.
If the townspeople refused to help the peasants, then Marseille himself went to the aid of Kal. He even gave an armed detachment of townspeople to attack the fortifications of the feudal lords together with the peasants. But very soon, he withdrew this detachment.
The first stage of the uprising was for the peasants- they robbed and killed feudal lords, burned their castles and now raped their wives. But as soon as the feudal lords set off from fear, they themselves began to act decisively.
Karl the Evil gathered an army in order to crush the uprising. The main forces of the rebellious peasants were concentrated in a village called Melo, where Charles led a well-trained thousand soldiers. He approached the village June 8, 1358. The peasants, although they outnumbered the army of Charles, still could not do anything to her in the open field - they were defeated.
Kal himself openly opposed not engaging in battle on the terms of Charles and his troops. But the peasants were so sure of their numerical superiority that they did not obey the order of their leader, who wanted to withdraw to Paris, where they could be supported by other rebels.
Realizing that the battle could not be avoided, Kal took the most advantageous positions on the hill. Karl was even afraid to attack the peasants, because they built an excellent defense. But then he went to the trick and during the negotiations, he captured Kal, and then simply executed. After that, the peasants entered into an open battle and the results are known to us.

Execution of the rebels

The leader of the uprising Guillaume Cal, was subjected to severe torture and only after them was executed. Approximately twenty thousand peasants were executed by the end of June 1358 of the year. After these executions, the king pardoned the peasants, but the reprisals against them did not stop. Embittered feudal lords continued to take revenge, despite the decree of the king.
But even these massacres did not stop the uprising. Countrywide again swept a wave of peasant unrest. They worried the French crown so much that she was forced to make peace with the British in order to calm the peasantry a little.
Started in Paris Marseille uprising was also strangled. In July, Charles's troops brutally suppressed him, after the supporters of Marseilles betrayed him and let the king with an army into the city.

The main reasons for the defeat of the rebels

Poor armament of rebel units;
The fragmentation of the rebel pens;
The uprising itself was spontaneous, since it had neither organization nor discipline, proper preparation, unified leadership and, of course, a detailed plan of action;
Silly villagers. It was especially manifested when Kal went to negotiate with the feudal lords, simply trusting their word.

Consequences of the Jacquerie rebellion

The revolt of Jacquerie is one of the most powerful uprisings in the Middle Ages. But the villagers did not have a clear plan of action, they were driven only by the desire to destroy the feudal lords. And yet, despite the defeat, the uprising still had a hand in the liberation of the peasants from personal dependence, which happened a little later.

Peter Schwartz
June 1, 2018

This eight-part article series was first published World Socialist Web Site in May-June 2008 on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the general strike in France. It appeared in Russian in January-March 2009. We reproduce this series unchanged, but with a new introduction, taking into account the events that have occurred since that time.

Introduction

Fifty years ago, in May-June 1968, a general strike brought France to the brink of a proletarian revolution. About 10 million workers left their jobs, occupied factories and brought the country's economic life to a halt. French capitalism and the de Gaulle regime survived only thanks to the support of the Communist Party (PCF) and the trade union association of the CGT (General Confederation of Labor), in which the PCF dominated politically. These organizations did everything they could to bring the situation back under control and end the general strike. The French general strike was preceded by a global youth radicalization against the Vietnam War, the regime of the Iranian Shah, a repressive social atmosphere and other outrageous things. The strike was the prelude to the largest offensive by the international working class since the end of World War II. This offensive continued until the mid-1970s; it forced several governments to resign, overthrew a number of dictatorships, and called into question bourgeois rule throughout the world. West Germany survived the September 1969 strikes, while Italy experienced a "hot autumn". In Poland and Czechoslovakia (Prague Spring), workers rebelled against the Stalinist dictatorship. In Britain, miners overthrew Heath's Conservative government in 1974. Right-wing dictatorships fell in Greece, Spain and Portugal. Having experienced defeat in the war, the United States was forced to withdraw from Vietnam.

Half a century later, the lessons of this revolutionary period are of great importance. Although the class struggle was suppressed for a long period, at the present moment the class contradictions are again heating up and breaking out. All over the world, capitalism is in deep crisis. While the standard of living of the general population is falling, an unimaginable level of enrichment reigns at the top of society. The ruling classes of all imperialist powers are reacting to the growing social and international tension with war, militarism and attacks on social and democratic rights. Around the world, signs of growing resistance and intensifying class struggle are multiplying. Teachers' strikes in the United States, railroad workers' strikes in France, industrial and public sector workers' strikes on strike over new collective agreements in Germany are only the beginning.

Capitalism managed to survive the period from 1968 to 1975 thanks to the Stalinist and social democratic parties and trade unions, which used their influence among the masses to soften the class struggle and led it to defeat. Although the advance of the working class weakened the influence of these bureaucracies, the gap was filled by various organizations that called themselves "socialists", "Marxists" and even "Trotskyists". They blocked the development of a new revolutionary leadership and channeled the struggle of the working class into support for social democracy. In France, François Mitterrand's Socialist Party became the most important instrument of bourgeois rule over the next three decades; in Germany, the Social Democrats under Willy Brandt reached the zenith of their influence in the 1970s.

In the 1930s, Leon Trotsky took the initiative to create the Fourth International, because the Third Communist International, under the influence of Stalinism, irrevocably passed into the camp of the bourgeois counter-revolution. However, shortly after its founding in 1938, petty-bourgeois tendencies emerged within the Fourth International. They blamed the defeats of the working class - in China in 1927, in Germany in 1933 and in Spain in 1939 - not on the betrayals of the leadership of the workers' organizations, but on the supposed failure of the working class to fulfill its revolutionary mission.

The ideological attack on the concept of the revolutionary role of the working class reached its climax in 1953, when the revisionist trend, led by Michel Pablo and Ernest Mandel, attempted to liquidate the Fourth International. According to the instructions of Pablo and Mandel, the sections of the CHI were to merge into the Stalinist, social democratic and bourgeois-nationalist movements, which, according to the revisionists, under the pressure of objective events, would begin to carry out revolutionary measures. Pabloites touted Stalinist and nationalist leaders such as Ben Bella in Algeria and Fidel Castro in Cuba as a supposed "alternative" to Trotskyism. The International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) was formed during this period to defend the prospect of building independent revolutionary working-class parties on the basis of the program of the Fourth International in opposition to Pabloite revisionism.

The third and fourth parts of this series of articles explain the role played by the French section of the Pabloite United Secretariat, Jeunesse Communiste Revolutionnaire(JCR) Alena Krivina in the events of 1968. The JCR covered up the betrayals of the PCF and the CGT, in order to then dissolve into anarchist, Maoist and other petty-bourgeois student groups. Today its remaining members are in the ranks of the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NAP), which openly rejected Trotskyism and collaborated with the Stalinists, the Socialist Party and other bourgeois parties. They praise "humanitarian" imperialist interventions in Libya and Syria. Many former members of the JCR, which was renamed the LCR in 1974, made their careers in the structures of the Socialist Party and other bourgeois organizations.

The ICFI was in 1968 the only political movement that fought against the political influence of Stalinism, social democracy and bourgeois nationalism. However, the ICFI waged this struggle in conditions of extreme isolation, caused not only by the pressure of large bureaucratic organizations, but also by the despicable role played by Pabloism. Under conditions of social and ideological pressure within the ICFI, tendencies to adapt [to the existing status quo] have also developed.

French Section of the International Committee, Organization communiste internationaliste(Organization of Communist-Internationalists - OCI), which was among the founders of the ICFI in 1953, began to pursue a centrist policy in 1968. As thousands of new, inexperienced members joined the party, it turned sharply to the right. In 1971, the OCI broke away from the International Committee and began to orient its members towards joining the Socialist Party (SP) of Mitterrand. Among the members of the OCI who joined the SP at that time were the future leader of the SP and French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, the current leader of the SP Jean-Christophe Cambadelis, as well as the founder of the French Left Party and leader of the Insubdued France movement Jean-Luc Mélenchon. The "left" nationalist Mélenchon defends France's status as a nuclear power and calls for the restoration of conscription.

The last four parts of this series of articles detail the role of the OCI, its history, and the theoretical and political issues that led to its transformation into a key component in sustaining bourgeois rule. The study and assimilation of this experience is of great importance in preparing for the forthcoming struggle of the working class.

The evolution of the Pabloites and the OCI became part of a right-wing shift among the academic petty bourgeoisie. While many student leaders in 1968 used Marxist vocabulary, their concepts were shaped by the Frankfurt School, existentialism, and other anti-Marxist tendencies that denied the revolutionary role of the working class. Inclining the word "revolution" in different ways, they had in mind not the seizure of state power by the working class, but the social, personal and sexual emancipation of the petty-bourgeois individual.

The working-class uprising in France in May 1968 "had a traumatic effect on large sections of the French intelligentsia," wrote David North, chairman of the international editorial board. World Socialist Web Site, in his essay "Theoretical and Historical Roots of the Pseudo-Left". "Contact with the revolution pushed them sharply to the right." The so-called "new philosophers", including Jean-Francois Revel and Bernard-Henri Lévy, "threw themselves into the arms of anti-communism under the hypocritical slogan of 'human rights'". Another group of philosophers, led by Jean-Francois Lyotard, "justified their rejection of Marxism with intellectually nihilistic formulations of postmodernism." Existentialist author André Gortz wrote a book with the provocative title "Farewell to the Proletariat"

These intellectuals spoke on behalf of the middle class, and for them 1968 was only a stepping stone in their own social ascent. These elements would later take leading positions in government ministries, editorial offices of newspapers and magazines, and even on corporate boards. The fourth part of this article series cites Edwy Plenel, a longtime member of the LCR. In 2001, as editor of the daily newspaper Le Monde, he wrote: "I am not alone: ​​there are tens of thousands of us, those who used to actively participate in extreme left groups, Trotskyist and non-Trotskyist, who rejected radical attitudes and critically recall their illusions of the past period."

The German Greens, many of whose leaders came from the '68 generation, epitomize this process. They turned from a petty-bourgeois party of protest, environmentalism and pacifism into a devoted bulwark of German militarism. Daniel Cohn-Bendit, who, at least in the media, is the most famous leader of the French student revolt, became Joschka Fischer's mentor and personal friend. The latter, as German foreign minister in 1999, assumed primary responsibility for the first German military intervention since World War II, in Yugoslavia. As a member of the European Parliament from the Green Party, Cohn-Bendit supported the war in Libya, defends the European Union in every possible way and praises French President Emmanuel Macron.

The looming class confrontation of today is taking place under conditions very different from those that prevailed in the period 1968-1975.

First, the bourgeoisie no longer has economic opportunities for social concessions. The 1968 move was driven, in part, by the first major post-war recession in 1966, which led to the end of the Bretton Woods system in 1971 and another recession in 1973. But the post-war boom had just reached its peak at that moment. The bourgeoisie bought an end to strikes and protests at the cost of significant improvements in wages and working conditions. The capacity of the universities was greatly expanded to draw the rebellious youth off the street and into the lecture hall.

Today, such reforms within the national framework are no longer possible. The global struggle for competitiveness, as well as the dominance of the international financial market over all aspects of production, has led to a relentless race to the bottom.

Second, the Stalinist and social democratic organizations that a half-century ago had millions of members and ensured the survival of capitalism are now deeply discredited. There is no more Soviet Union, abolished by the hands of the ruling Stalinist bureaucracy. China has become a base for the capitalist exploitation of the working class by the Maoist Communist Party. The electoral influence of the Socialist Party of France, like other social democratic parties, is undermined, and the German SPD is in a state of free fall. Trade unions have been transformed into partners of management, organizing job cuts and hated by workers.

The pseudo-left organizations that had isolated the International Committee in 1968 were integrated into the structures of the bourgeois state. They support attacks on the working class and imperialist wars. This is most evident in Greece, where the "Coalition of the Radical Left" ("Syriza"), on behalf of and on behalf of the international banks, has taken responsibility for the sharp decline in the living standards of the working class. The coming class struggle will develop into an uprising against these bureaucratic organizations and their pseudo-left appendages that have become a trap for the working class.

The International Committee of the Fourth International and its historic struggle against Stalinism, Social Democracy, Pabloite revisionism and other forms of petty-bourgeois pseudo-left politics will be a decisive factor in preparing the working class for this struggle. The International Committee was able to see in advance the right-wing trajectory of these tendencies and lay bare their role, and this is a clear confirmation that there is an urgent need to build a Marxist party. ICFI and its French Section, Parti de l "egalite socialiste(Socialist Equality Party) are the only trend that presents a socialist program capable of uniting the working class in the struggle against capitalism and war.

France on the eve of 1968

France in the 1960s was riddled with deep divisions. The political regime was authoritarian and reactionary. He found his personification in General de Gaulle, who seemed to be a figure descended from the canvas of an artist of the last century, and who created the Fifth Republic for himself. De Gaulle was 68 years old when he was elected president in 1958; he was 78 when he resigned in 1969. However, under the petrified veil of the old general's regime, there was a rapid economic transformation that fundamentally changed the social structure of French society.

At the end of the Second World War, agriculture still played an important role in France, and 37% of the population continued to depend on work in this area. Over the next two decades, two-thirds of French farmers left their fields and farms and moved to the cities, where they, along with immigrant workers, joined the ranks of the proletariat, forming a young and active social stratum that the trade union bureaucracy struggled to control.

After the end of the Algerian War in 1962, the French economy grew very rapidly. The loss of the colonies forced the French bourgeoisie to reorient their production towards markets within Europe. In 1957, France signed the Treaty of Rome, the founding document of the European Economic Community (EEC), the predecessor of the European Union. The economic integration of Europe favored the creation of new industries that successfully compensated for the decline of coal mines and other old industries. With the help of the government, new companies and factories sprang up in the automotive, aviation, space, defense and nuclear industries. Often they were built in new areas, outside the old industrial centers; during the strike of 1968 they would become the most active fighting outposts of the strike.

Typical in this respect was the city of Caen in Normandy. Between 1954 and 1968 the city's population grew from 90,000 to 150,000, with half the townspeople under 30 years of age. Saviem, a division of the automotive giant Renault, employed some 3,000 workers. In January, four months before the start of the general strike, workers went on strike, occupied the factory and clashed violently with police.

Trade unions showed signs of radicalization. The old Catholic trade union CFTC ( Confederation Française des Travailleurs Chrétiens) split, and most of its members moved to an independent organization from the church CFDT ( Confederation Française Democratique du Travail), which formally recognized the "class struggle" and at the beginning of 1966 agreed to joint actions with the CGT.

The emergence of new industries led to the rapid development of education and vocational training. The industry needed new engineers, technicians and skilled workers. Between 1962 and 1968 the number of students doubled. Universities were overcrowded, poorly funded and, like industries, controlled by a patriarchal, archaic management hierarchy.

Resistance to poor learning conditions and authoritarian regimes at universities (among other things, there was a ban on communication between guys and girls outside of school, namely visiting hostels of the opposite sex) became an important factor in the radicalization of the student body, but political issues quickly added to this. In May 1966, the first demonstration against the Vietnam War took place. A year later, on June 2, 1967, student Benno Ohnesorg was killed by the police in Berlin, and the protests of the German students resonated in France.

Also in 1967, the effects of the worldwide recession hit the workers and set them in motion. For a number of years the standard of living of the workers and their working conditions lagged behind the pace of economic development. Wages were low, the workweek was long, and inside the factories the workers had no rights. Now unemployment and processing at the machine have been added to this. The mining, steel, textile and construction industries have entered a stage of stagnation.

The union leadership "from above" organizes a series of protests to dispel tensions, but local protests break out and are brutally suppressed by the police. In February 1967, at the Rhodiaceta textile factory in Besançon, workers occupied the factory for the first time in the country in protest against layoffs and in a struggle to improve working conditions.

Farmers are also protesting declining incomes. In western France in 1967, several demonstrations by farmers escalate into street fights with the police. According to one police report, the farmers are "numerous, aggressive, organized and armed with various implements: screws, cobblestones, iron fragments, bottles and stones".

By the beginning of 1968, France at first glance appears to be a relatively calm country, but just below the surface of public life, social tension is growing and maturing. The country resembles a powder magazine. All you need is a spark. Student protests act as this spark.

Student revolt and general strike

The University of Nanterre is one of the new educational institutions built in the 1960s. Founded in 1964 on what used to be the Ministry of Defense, it is just five kilometers from the outskirts of Paris. It is surrounded by poor outskirts, the so-called "bidonvilles" ("shack towns"), as well as factories. On January 8, 1968, students publicly express their dissatisfaction during a visit to the city by Youth Minister François Missoffe, who came to open a new swimming pool.

The incident itself is of little significance, but the punitive measures taken against the students, as well as the constant intervention of the police, escalate student protests and turn Nanterre into the starting point of a movement that quickly spreads to other universities and high schools throughout country. The movement's central slogans are: improved learning conditions, free access to universities, more personal and political freedom, and the release of arrested students. These slogans were soon joined by others, in particular against the American war in Vietnam, after the Vietnamese liberation forces launched the so-called Tet Offensive at the end of January.

In some cities, for example, in Caen and Bordeaux, there are general demonstrations of workers, students and schoolchildren. On April 12, after the assassination of German student Rudy Dutschke on a Berlin street by an enraged right-wing radical, a demonstration of solidarity takes place in Paris.

March 22, 142 students occupy the administration building of the University of Nanterre. The administration reacts to this by completely closing the university for a month. The conflict spills over to the Sorbonne, the oldest university in France in the Latin Quarter of Paris. On May 3, representatives of various student organizations are going to discuss how to lead this protest campaign. At the same time, far-right groups are showing their forces nearby. The dean of the university calls the police and demands that the campus be cleared. Spontaneously, a huge demonstration gathers. The police act extremely brutally, and the students in response begin to build barricades. By morning, about a hundred people were wounded, several hundred were arrested. The next day, the trial of those arrested is held. 13 demonstrators receive severe punishments solely on the basis of police testimony.

The government and the press are trying to describe the street fighting in the Latin Quarter as a conspiracy of radicals and troublemakers. The Communist Party also joins the chorus of voices against the students. "Leader number two" of the PCF, Georges Marchais, who would later become its general secretary, writes in a party newspaper Humanite devastating editorial condemning the student "pseudo-revolutionaries". He accuses them of pandering to "fascist provocateurs." Particularly irritating to Marchais is the fact that students "distribute leaflets and other propaganda near factory gates and in areas where immigrant workers live." He growls: "These false revolutionaries must be exposed, as they objectively serve the interests of the Gaullist regime and the leading capitalist monopolies."

But this provocation is not successful. Information is instantly transmitted by radio stations, the country is agitated by the brutality of the police. Events begin to move forward on their own. The Parisian demonstrations are growing day by day and spreading to other cities. The demonstrations are under the slogan of condemning the police repression, demanding the release of the arrested students. High school students take part in the unrest. On May 8, the first general strike takes place in western France.

On the night of May 10-11, the Latin Quarter is engulfed in a “night of the barricades”. Tens of thousands of people erect barricades on the streets of the university campus, which the police begin to storm at 2 am using tear gas. As a result, hundreds of victims.

The next day, Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, who has just returned from an official visit to Iran, announces the opening of the Sorbonne and the release of imprisoned students. But this step is no longer sufficient to regain control over the situation. Trade unions, including the pro-communist CGT, announce the start of a general strike on May 13 under the slogan of condemning police repression. The unions fear that if they don't, they will lose control of the most active workers altogether.

The call for a strike finds a huge response. Massive demonstrations not seen since the end of World War II are taking place in a number of cities. In Paris alone, 800,000 citizens take to the streets. Political demands are the main ones. Many are calling for the overthrow of the government. During the evening of that day, the Sorbonne and other universities are again busy with students.

The plan of the unions to limit the strike to one day falls through. The next day, May 14, workers occupied the Sud-Aviation aircraft factory in the city of Nantes. For a month, the plant remains under the control of the workers, red flags fly over the administration building. The regional director of the Duvochel company is taken into custody by the workers and held in their hands for 16 days. Sud-Aviation's CEO at the time is Maurice Papon, who collaborated with the Nazis during the occupation, was later convicted as a war criminal, and in 1961 led the Paris police and was responsible for killing demonstrators protesting the Algerian war.

Workers in other factories follow the example of their colleagues from Sud-Aviation, and between May 15 and 20, a wave of plant and factory occupations sweeps across the country. Red flags are hung everywhere, at many enterprises the leading managers are taken into temporary arrest by the workers. These actions involve hundreds of factories and institutions, including the largest enterprise in the country, the Renault automobile plant in Billancourt, which played a key role in the strike wave of 1947.

Initially, the workers put forward various local demands that differ from one enterprise to another: fairer pay, reduced hours, an end to layoffs, more rights for factory workers. Workers' councils and action committees are springing up in the occupied factories and the working-class neighborhoods surrounding them, and they are drawing into their ranks the local population, students and schoolchildren, hand in hand with striking workers, technical and managerial personnel. The committees take responsibility for organizing the strike and develop into forums of intense, political discussion. The same thing happens in universities that are taken over by students.

On May 20, the whole country comes to a halt in the arms of a general strike, although neither the trade unions, nor the parties, nor any other organizations called for it. Factories and plants, institutions, universities and schools, the industrial system and transport are paralyzed. Artists, journalists, even soccer players are getting in on the action. Ten million French workers, out of a total of 15 million, are on strike. Later studies have revised this figure down to 7-9 million, but even this low estimate represents the largest general strike in French history. "Only" 3 million workers took part in the general strike of 1936; 2.5 million workers took part in the general strike of 1947.

Initially, workers put forward demands that are directly related to the conditions of their work: fairer labor rates, reduced working hours, the abolition of layoffs, more rights for workers in the factory. Workers' committees and action committees spring up in the occupied factories and in the surrounding areas, involving local residents, students and students in the events along with striking workers and technical staff. The committees take on the responsibility of organizing strikes and become forums for intense political debate. The same thing happens in universities, which are mostly occupied by students.

On May 20, the whole country comes to a standstill, engulfed in a general strike, although neither the trade unions nor any other organizations have called for such a scale of action. Enterprises, institutions, universities and schools are occupied, production and the transport system are paralyzed. Artists, journalists and even football players join the movement. 10 million French people out of a total of 15 million working people are involved in the action. Later studies have reduced this figure to 7-9 million, but in any case, these events should be recognized as the largest general strike in the history of France. "Only" 3 million workers took part in the general strike of 1936, and 2.5 million people took part in a similar event in 1947.

The wave of strikes reaches its peak between May 22 and 30, although it does not subside until July itself. More than 4 million workers were on strike during this period for more than three weeks; 2 million - longer than four weeks. According to the Ministry of Labor, in 1968, 150 million working days were lost due to long strikes. By comparison, the 1974 UK miners' strike that forced the resignation of Edward Heath's Conservative government resulted in the loss of 14 million days of work.

On May 20, the government effectively lost control of the country. Everywhere there are calls for the resignation of de Gaulle and his government: "Ten years is enough!" On May 24, de Gaulle tries to regain control with a televised address to the country. He promises to hold a referendum, give students and workers more rights in universities and factories. But this performance only more clearly reveals his own impotence. The call has no effect.

During the first three weeks of May, a revolutionary situation developed in France, almost without precedent in history. If this movement had been led by a firm and consistent leadership, it could have overthrown de Gaulle and his entire Fifth Republic. The security forces continued to defend the regime, but they could not resist a targeted political offensive. The scale of the mass movement would have had a corrupting effect on the ranks of the police, gendarmerie and army.

To be continued

1. The distress of the French people. In 1348, Europe was hit by a plague known as the Black Death. It claimed from a third to a half of the population: entire districts died out, there were not enough cemeteries in the cities to bury the dead.

The Hundred Years' War brought new disasters to the peoples. France was especially hard hit. Taxes kept rising. Both their own and foreign troops devastated the country. The indignation among the people was caused by the fact that the nobles could not protect the country from the enemy. A chronicler who sympathized with the people described the ruin of the economy as follows: “The vineyards were not cultivated, the fields were not plowed; bulls and sheep did not go to the pastures; churches and houses were heaps of sad, still smoking ruins.

And the gentlemen demanded new payments from the peasants: tax collection began to ransom the king and noble lords who were captured in the battle of Poitiers. They said: "Jacques the simpleton has a wide back, he will endure everything." The name Jacques (Jacob), common among the people, in the lips of the nobles sounded like a contemptuous nickname for a peasant. 2. Jacquerie in France. In May 1358, a peasant uprising by Jacquerie broke out in northeastern France. It began without any preparation: the peasants of one village repulsed the attack of a detachment of mercenary robbers, killing several knights in the process. This was the signal for the uprising. According to chroniclers, up to 100 thousand peasants participated in it. The leader of the largest detachment was the peasant Guillaume Kal. The chronicler wrote that he was a man who "had seen the world", "a good talker, a stately physique and a handsome face." Kal tried to unite the "zhaks" and bring order to the peasant army.

The uprising covered a vast area with dozens of cities. The poor in some cities managed to open the gates to the "Jacks", the rebels were not allowed into the rest of the cities, fearing robberies. The gentlemen fled from the areas covered by the uprising, but soon recovered from their confusion and went on the offensive. French nobles were helped by English troops.

Before the decisive battle, Guillaume Cal placed his troops on a hill and surrounded the camp with wagons. Then the nobles decided to deceive. They concluded a truce with the "Jacques" and invited their leader to negotiate, but treacherously grabbed Kal, put him in chains - and immediately attacked the peasants. Left without a leader, who did not know military affairs, the "zhe-ki" were crushed and defeated.

Although the Jacquerie was defeated, she did not go unnoticed. Frightened by a formidable uprising, the feudal lords did not dare to increase the duties.

3. Why did the English peasants revolt. To continue the war with France, the king needed money. The people had to pay new taxes: after all, England began to suffer setbacks in the war, expenses grew, and the treasury was empty.

Ruined peasants roamed the roads in search of work. The authorities began to issue cruel laws against the homeless: they were arrested and even executed, they had to agree to any job, for any pay. The people called these laws "bloody".

There were popular preachers in England. These were poor priests who sharply condemned the venality of royal judges, the greed of bishops, and the cruelty of the feudal lords. Preacher John Ball enjoyed special love among the people. He liked to ask his listeners the question: “When Adam plowed and Eve spun, who then was a nobleman?” So John Ball argued that at first all people were equal and worked equally. Ball was excommunicated and imprisoned more than once. But he managed to send letters to the will, in which he called on the peasants and the poor to revolt.

4. The beginning of the Wat Tyler uprising in England. In May 1381, the peasants of several villages near London drove out the tax collectors and cracked down on the royal officials. Within a few days, the uprising engulfed most of the country. Armed with axes, pitchforks and bows, the rebels united in detachments and sacked the estates of the feudal lords.

The village artisan Wu ot Tayler became the leader of the peasants. This intelligent and courageous man participated in the Hundred Years' War and, knowing military affairs, tried to introduce battle order and discipline into his units. He enjoyed such respect among the rebels that they swore to carry out only the laws he issued. The rebels released John Ball from prison, and he became one of the leaders of the uprising.

The peasants of the two counties closest to London moved towards the capital. They wanted to punish "bad royal advisers" and hoped that the king would comply with their demands. The rebels believed in the king, they said that they were fulfilling the royal will, and on their banner they wrote: “Long live King Richard and his faithful people!”

5. Rebels in London. The poor of London, violating the order of the mayor, opened the city gates in front of the rebel peasants and, together with them, began to smash the palaces of the hated advisers of the king and the court buildings, killed judges and officials. They burned judicial books, protocols and collections of laws. The prisons were destroyed and the prisoners released.

The rebels set fire to the houses of wealthy citizens, destroyed expensive things. One man, who tried to hide a piece of a silver dish under his clothes, was thrown into the fire by the peasants. They said: “We are champions of truth and justice, not thieves and robbers!”

14-year-old King Richard II (son of the Black Prince) with his entourage took refuge in the well-fortified Tower of London. The rebels besieged the fortress and threatened to exterminate everyone who was in it. The king agreed to meet with the peasants. During the negotiations, the rebels handed him their demands. They said: no one should be personally dependent anymore, and only a small payment should be made for land; corvee must be abolished; no one should serve anyone except by his own will. While negotiations were going on, a large group of rebels seized the Tower and dealt with the king's most hated advisers. Among those killed were the Archbishop of Canterbury and the chief treasurer of England.

The king promised to fulfill the demands of the peasants and to forgive all participants in the uprising. Many believed him and left London. But the most determined rebels, led by Wat Tyler, remained in the capital. They achieved a new meeting with the king and presented him with additional demands: to return to the communities the pastures and forests taken from them by the feudal lords, to take away the lands from the bishops and monasteries and divide them among the peasants, to give all the people of England the same rights, to cancel all laws directed against the people.

During negotiations, the mayor of London treacherously stabbed Wat Tyler to death with a sword. The peasants left without a leader were confused. A detachment of knights and wealthy citizens, who were in ambush, galloped to the aid of the king. The gentlemen persuaded the peasants to leave the city, promising to fulfill all their demands. But the king called the knights from all over England, together with the mercenaries, they rushed after the detachments of the peasants and defeated them.

The Lord perpetrated a cruel reprisal against the rebels. The country was covered with gallows. John Ball was also executed. Richard II issued a decree canceling all previously made concessions to the peasants.

However, by the end of the 14th century, most of the English peasants became personally free in one way or another, and soon many gentlemen abandoned corvée. For the use of allotments, personally free peasants made precisely established payments. Laws against the poor also had to be relaxed.

Similar information.

1 ticket. Civilizations of the Ancient East. Civilizations of the Ancient East. Prerequisites for the emergence of ancient civilizations. The first information revolution occurred at the dawn of the formation of primitive society and is associated with the emergence of articulate speech. The second information is connected with the invention of writing. Before talking about the civilizations of the ancient East, it is necessary to say about the prerequisites for the formation of civilization in general. The prerequisites for the formation of civilization began to take shape in the Neolithic era (new stone age) - 4-3 millennia BC, they are associated with the Neolithic revolution - the transition from appropriating forms of farming to producing ones. During the Neolithic period, 4 major social divisions of labor take place: 1, the allocation of agriculture, animal husbandry, 2, the allocation of handicrafts; 3 selection of builders, 4 appearance of leaders, priests, warriors. Some researchers also call the Neolithic period the Neolithic civilization. Its characteristic features: 1 domestication - the domestication of animals, 2 the emergence of stationary settlements, among which the most famous are Jericho (Jordan) and Chatal-Hyuyuk (Turkey) - the first urban-type settlements in the history, 3 the establishment of a neighboring community instead of consanguineous and communal property, 4 the formation large associations of tribes, 5 non-literate civilization. At the end of the 4th millennium BC. the Neolithic civilization gradually exhausted its potential and the first crisis era in the history of mankind "the era of the Eneolithic (Copper Stone Age). The Eneolithic is characterized by the following parameters: 1 Eneolithic is the transition from the Stone to the Bronze Age; 2 Metal (copper and its alloy) becomes the predominant material with tin bronze); 3 Eneolithic - a time of chaos, disorder in society, a crisis in technology - the transition to irrigated agriculture, to new materials.

2 ticket. Civilization of Ancient Greece. The population of Greece at the dawn of the first millennium BC. e. occupied mainly by agriculture. Most of the cultivated land is occupied by cereals, an important role is given to horticulture and winemaking, and olives remain one of the leading crops, for which Greece is famous today. Cattle breeding is developing, and cattle even act as a kind of universal monetary equivalent. So, in the Iliad, twelve bulls are given for a large tripod. In the VIII-VII centuries BC. e., when a wave of peoples who came earlier in the XIII-XI centuries from the north, including the Dorian Greeks, firmly settled on the territory of modern Greece, and the foundations of that Greek civilization were laid, which never ceases to amaze us with its achievements today, and which had such an impact on our lives today. And in fact, modern theatre, poetry, painting would be impossible without the Greek theater, without the great Homer, without sculptures and picturesque portraits, which have survived to this day and amaze with their perfection.

3 ticket. Civilization of Ancient Rome. Ancient Rome (lat. Roma antiqua) - one of the leading civilizations of the Ancient World and antiquity, got its name from the main city (Roma), in turn named after the legendary founder - Romulus. The center of Rome developed within the swampy plain, bounded by the Capitol, the Palatine and the Quirinal. The culture of the Etruscans, ancient Greeks and Urartians (ancient Armenians) had a certain influence on the formation of ancient Roman civilization. Ancient Rome reached its peak of power in the 2nd century AD. e., when under his control was the area from modern Scotland in the north to Ethiopia in the south and from Armenia in the east to Portugal in the west. Ancient Rome presented the modern world with Roman law, some architectural forms and solutions (for example, an arch and a dome) and many other innovations (for example, wheeled water mills). Christianity as a religion was born on the territory of the Roman Empire. The official language of the ancient Roman state was Latin, religion for most of the period of existence was polytheistic, the unofficial coat of arms of the empire was the golden eagle (aquila), after the adoption of Christianity, labarums appeared (a banner established by Emperor Constantine for his troops) chrism (pectoral cross). During the tsarist period, Rome was a small state that occupied only part of the territory of Latium - the region inhabited by the tribe of the Latins. During the period of the Early Republic, Rome significantly expanded its territory during numerous wars. After the Pyrrhic War, Rome began to reign supreme over the Apennine Peninsula, although the vertical system of control of subordinate territories had not yet developed at that time. After the conquest of Italy, Rome became a prominent player in the Mediterranean, which soon brought it into conflict with Carthage, a large state founded by the Phoenicians. In a series of three Punic Wars, the Carthaginian state was completely defeated, and the city itself was destroyed. At this time, Rome also began to expand to the East, subjugating Illyria, Greece, and then Asia Minor and Syria. In the 1st century BC e. Rome was rocked by a series of civil wars, in which the eventual winner, Octavian Augustus, formed the foundations of the principate system and founded the Julio-Claudian dynasty, which, however, did not last a century. The heyday of the Roman Empire fell on a relatively calm time of the 2nd century, but already the 3rd century was filled with a struggle for power and, as a result, political instability, and the foreign policy situation of the empire was complicated. The establishment of a system of dominance by Diocletian stabilized the situation for some time with the help of the concentration of power in the hands of the emperor and his bureaucratic apparatus. In the 4th century, the division of the empire into two parts was finalized, and Christianity became the state religion of the entire empire. The Latin language, whose appearance dates back to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. e. constituted the Italic branch of the Indo-European family of languages. In the course of the historical development of ancient Italy, the Latin language supplanted the other Italic languages ​​and eventually assumed a dominant position in the western Mediterranean. At the beginning of the 1st millennium BC. e. Latin was spoken by the population of a small region of Latium (lat. Latium), located in the west of the middle part of the Apennine Peninsula, along the lower reaches of the Tiber. The tribe that inhabited Latium was called the Latins (lat. Latini), its language was Latin. The center of this region was the city of Rome, after which the Italian tribes united around it began to call themselves the Romans (lat. Romania).

4 ticket. The place of religion and church in the life of medieval society.Dlya medieval culture is characterized by two key distinguishing features: corporatism and the dominant role of religion and the church. Medieval society, like an organism of cells, consisted of many social states (social strata). A person by birth belonged to one of them and had practically no opportunity to change his social position. Each such position was associated with its own range of political and property rights and obligations, the presence of privileges or their absence, a specific way of life, even the nature of clothing. There was a strict class hierarchy: two upper classes (clergy, feudal lords - landowners), then merchants, artisans, peasants (the latter in France were united in the "third estate") . In early Christianity, faith in the imminent second coming of Jesus Christ, the Last Judgment and the end of the sinful world was very strong. However, time passed, nothing of the kind happened, and in place of this idea comes the idea of ​​consolation - an afterlife retribution for good or bad deeds, that is, hell and paradise. The first Christian communities were democratic, but rather quickly the clergy - the clergy, or clergy ( from the Greek "Claire" - fate, at first they were chosen by lot) turn into a harsh hierarchical organization. At first the bishops held the highest position in Cleary. The bishop of Rome began to seek recognition for him of primacy among the entire clergy of the Christian church. At the end of IV-beginning of V ss. he arrogated to himself the exclusive right to be called Pope and gradually gained power over all other bishops of the Western Roman Empire. The Christian Church began to be called Catholic, which means worldwide.

5 ticket. The rise and spread of Islam. The spread of Islam The characteristics of Islam, generated by the very conditions of its emergence, facilitated its spread among the Arabs. Although in the struggle, overcoming the resistance of the tribal aristocracy prone to separatism (the uprising of the tribes of Arabia after the death of Muhammad), Islam soon won a complete victory among the Arabs. The new religion showed the warlike Bedouins a simple and clear path to enrichment, to a way out of the crisis: the conquest of new lands. Muhammad's successors - caliphs Abu Bekr, Omar, Osman - conquered in a short time neighboring, and then more distant countries of the Mediterranean and Asia Minor. The conquests were made under the banner of Islam - under the "green banner of the prophet." In the countries conquered by the Arabs, the duties of the peasant population were significantly eased, especially for those who converted to Islam; and this contributed to the transition of the broad masses of the population of different nationalities to the new religion. Islam, having originated as the national religion of the Arabs, soon began to turn into a supranational, world religion. Already in the VII-IX centuries. Islam became the dominant and almost the only religion in the countries of the Caliphate, which covered vast expanses - from Spain to Central Asia and the borders of India. In the XI-XVIII centuries. it spread widely in northern India, again by conquest. In Indonesia, Islam spread in the 14th-16th centuries, mainly through Arab and Indian merchants, and almost completely replaced Hinduism and Buddhism (except for the island of Bali). In the XIV century, Islam also penetrated to the Kipchaks in the Golden Horde, to the Bulgars and other peoples of the Black Sea region, a little later - to the peoples of the North Caucasus and Western Siberia. The emergence of Islam. Islam is one of the three (along with Buddhism and Christianity) so-called world religions, having its adherents practically on all continents and in most countries of the world. Muslims make up the vast majority of the population in many Asian and African countries. Islam is a system that has a significant impact on international politics. In the modern sense, Islam is both a religion and a state due to the active interference of religion in state affairs. But I will be more interested in the historical roots of this phenomenon. "Islam" in Arabic means submission, "Muslim" (from Arabic "Muslim") - betrayed himself to Allah. Of the three world religions, Islam is the "youngest"; if the first two - Buddhism and Christianity - arose in an era that is usually attributed to antiquity, then Islam appeared in the early Middle Ages. The Arab-speaking peoples almost without exception profess Islam, the Turkic-speaking and Iranian-speaking peoples - in the vast majority. There are also many Muslims among the North Indian peoples. The population of Indonesia is almost entirely Muslim. Islam originated in Arabia in the 7th century AD. Its origin is clearer than that of Christianity and Buddhism, for it is illuminated by written sources almost from the very beginning. But there are many legends here too. If you look through the pages of history and consider the reason for the emergence of Islam, you get the impression that people were simply forced to accept the laws of this religion. And it began from the distant countries of Asia, where nature was merciless to man, mountains and sandy deserts were all around, rains were a rarity. The people who lived there simply wandered from one oasis to another. Capricious, evil nature caused people a lot of grief, but they still adapted to exist. And it was this fear that gave birth to faith in spirits in people, it seemed to people that evil spirits cause grief, and good spirits give joy. Already in the 6th century, a class society arose, the rich began to own land, livestock, and agricultural products, and traded. Slaves were beaten, sold, exchanged, and even intimidated by the gods. In desperation, people turned to prayers. At that time, a large merchant Mohammed appeared. The founder of Islam is the Arab "prophet" Muhammad (Muhammad or Mohammed), whose importance to the common destinies of mankind can hardly be overestimated, therefore, this historical figure should be emphasized.

6 ticket. The uprising of the peasants in France in 1358 Jacquerie. The uprising of the peasants in England in 1381, led by Wat Tyler.

jacquerie(fr. jacquerie, from the name Jacques common in France) - the name of the peasant anti-feudal uprising in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, which broke out in France in 1358, caused by the situation in which France was due to the wars with Edward III of England (the Hundred Years War 1337-1453). their peasants in mockery " Jacques bon homme » - Jacques-just like that; hence the name given to the rebellion. Contemporaries called the uprising "a war of non-nobles against nobles", the name "Jacquerie" appeared later. This is the largest peasant uprising in the history of France. The reasons for Jacquerie were the economic devastation caused by the Hundred Years' War in France, tax oppression, and the plague epidemic ("black death"), which claimed from a third to half of the population, which, in turn, led to a decrease in wages and the issuance of laws against its growth. The settlements and plots of the peasants were not protected (unlike the cities) from the robberies of both the British and the French mercenary army. The impetus for Jacquerie was new monetary taxes (by order of the Dauphin Charles to ransom King John the Good, who was captured in 1356 at Poitiers) and duties ( introduced by the Ordinance of Compiègne in May 1358 for the restoration of fortresses near Paris). The uprising began on May 28 in the town of Saint-Leu-d'Esserand (Bovezi region). The immediate cause for the uprising was the robberies of the soldiers of the Navarre king Charles the Evil in the vicinity of Paris, which most severely affected the rural population. The peasants, brutally oppressed by the nobles, rushed to their tormentors, turned hundreds of castles into ruins, beat the nobles and raped their wives and daughters. The uprising soon spread to Brie, Soissons, Laonne, and along the banks of the Marne and the Oise. Soon, the rebellious peasants had a leader - Guillaume Col (Cal), originally from the Bovezian village of Melo, who became the “general captain of the Jacques.” The uprising coincided in time with the Parisian uprising under the leadership of the merchant prevost of Paris Etienne Marcel. Guillaume Cal realized that the scattered and poorly armed peasants needed a strong ally in the person of the townspeople, and tried to establish ties with Étienne Marcel. He sent a delegation to Paris with a request to help the peasants in their struggle against the feudal lords and immediately moved to Compiègne. However, the wealthy townspeople did not let the rebellious peasants go there. The same thing happened in Senlis and Amiens. Etienne Marcel entered into contact with the peasant detachments and even sent a detachment of Parisians to their aid in order to destroy the fortifications erected between the Seine and the Oise by the feudal lords and hindering the delivery of food to Paris. However, this detachment was later withdrawn. By that time, the lords had recovered from their fear and began to act. Charles the Evil and Dauphin Charles simultaneously opposed the rebels. On June 8, with a well-trained army of a thousand spears, Charles the Evil approached the village of Melo, where the main forces of the rebels were located. Since, despite a significant numerical superiority, untrained peasants had practically no chance of winning in open battle, Guillaume Cal offered to withdraw to Paris. However, the peasants did not want to listen to the persuasion of their leader and declared that they were strong enough to fight. Then Kal successfully positioned his troops on a hill, divided them into two parts; in front of the wagons and luggage he made a shaft and placed archers and crossbowmen. A detachment of horsemen built separately. The positions looked so impressive that Charles of Navara did not dare to attack the rebels for a week, and in the end went to the trick - he invited Kal for negotiations. Guillaume believed his chivalrous word and did not ensure his safety with hostages. He was immediately seized and put in chains, after which the demoralized peasants were defeated. In the meantime, the knights of the Dauphin attacked another detachment of Jacques and also exterminated many of the rebels. A massacre began with the rebels. Guillaume Kal was executed after severe torture (the executioner "crowned" him in the "peasant kings", putting a red-hot iron tripod on his head). Until June 24, at least 20 thousand people were killed and the massacre began to decline only after the amnesty announced on August 10 by Dauphin Charles, which, however, many feudal lords looked through their fingers. Peasant unrest continued until September. Frightened by popular uprisings, the royal government hastened to negotiate with the British on peace. The uprising of the peasants in England in 1381, led by Wat Tyler. The Great Peasants' Revolt of 1381 After the epidemic of 1348, known as the Black Death, the population fell by one-third according to medieval estimates. Agriculture fell into decline. There was no one to sow and harvest. Prices have doubled. Demands for higher wages followed. The village community, where peasant families have been accustomed from generation to generation to live on the same land, began to disintegrate. Some of the peasants run away to the cities and become hired workers. Direct coercion on the part of the landowners did not help. A new type of land holding is beginning to be introduced: the leasing of land, livestock, and implements, which was an important step on the path to capitalist agriculture. But the lords tried to regain their old positions, since now they had to reckon with freer peasants and wage workers. This situation gave rise to a peasant uprising in 1381. Escape from serfdom was possible only for a loner. For a person with a family, there was an organization and an armed uprising [ source not specified 35 days] . Peasant unions gradually begin to grow. The uprising of 1381 was the work of people who had already won a certain degree of freedom and prosperity and now demanded more. The Villans have awakened human dignity. The demands of the peasants were as follows: The abolition of serfdom; Commutation of all duties (replacement of natural duties with monetary ones); Establishment of a uniform cash rent of 4 pence per acre. The foreign policy situation is deteriorating - the last expeditions to France end unsuccessfully, which causes a shortage of funds in the treasury. The government decides to introduce a poll tax of 3 grottoes (a silver coin equal to 4 pence), which causes indignation among the masses. The protracted war with France and the introduction of the poll tax were the main reasons for the uprising of 1381. Tyler leads the campaign of the peasants of Kent to London, along the way they are joined by peasants from other counties, as well as the poor and the city mob. The rebels capture Canterbury and then London. The peasants storm the Towers and kill the Lord Chancellor and Archbishop of Canterbury, Simon Sudbury. With the rebels demanding the abolition of serfdom, on June 14, 1381, King Richard II meets in Mile End, who promises to fulfill all the requirements. The next day (June 15), there is a new meeting with the king, on the Smithfield field, near the city wall of London, with a huge confluence of people. Now the rebels are demanding equal rights for all estates and the return of communal lands to the peasants. However, during the meeting, Wat Tyler is killed by the king's associates (the mayor of London, William Walworth, stabbed him in the neck with a dagger, one of the knights completed the job by driving up to Tyler from behind and piercing him with a sword). This brings confusion and confusion to the ranks of the rebels, which Richard II took advantage of. The uprising is quickly suppressed by the forces of the knightly militia. Despite the fact that the uprising was crushed, there was no complete return to the previous order. It became obvious that the ruling classes could no longer treat the peasants without some degree of respect.